Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-05-23T20:34:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Salgado Neto, Luiz-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3370161 bytes, checksum: 26f6ba5b13b8bec954798cc7eafa20f3 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-05-23T20:34:19Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Salgado Neto, Luiz-Dissert-2013.pdf: 3370161 bytes, checksum: 26f6ba5b13b8bec954798cc7eafa20f3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / A presente pesquisa tem o objetivo de analisar os fundamentos culturais do apoio ao sionismo nos Estados Unidos. Por meio da análise de cinco periódicos de amplitude nacional, buscou-se apreender os elementos culturais presentes em avaliações sobre a Questão da Palestina e em discursos pró-sionistas no período de 1936 a 1948. O objetivo do estudo foi analisar como essas avaliações e esses discursos mobilizaram representações, valores, percepções, crenças e imagens na análise do conflito entre árabes e sionistas, bem como na defesa da criação de um Estado judeu na Palestina. Esta pesquisa propôs uma articulação entre política e cultura. Dessa forma, buscou-se avaliar, ao fim do estudo, como fundamentos culturais influenciaram a postura política de uma parcela significativa da sociedade norte-americana, que pressionava o governo dos Estados Unidos a apoiar a criação de um Estado judeu na Palestina.

Tesis para optar al grado de magíster en estudios internacionales / No autorizada por la autora para ser publicada en texto completo / Capítulo I: Marco teórico del Trabajo: “Una mirada desde la Teoría Democrática, la Teoría de las Relaciones Internacionales y la Multiculturalidad”. En este capítulo se revisarán los aportes de los clásicos de la Teoría Democrática como Sartori, Dahl, Lijphart, entre otros, que servirán para analizar y evaluar lo rasgos de la democracia israelí. En segundo término, las contribuciones al tema en estudio desde la perspectiva clásica del Realismo, el Neo Realismo, el Institucionalismo Liberal y del Constructivismo. Y, por último, se incluirá el modelo de política pública de la multiculturalidad. Es decir, la coexistencia pacífica de diferentes culturas en una misma entidad política territorial, que puede constituir una salida a la discriminación de la población árabe en el Estado de Israel. Estos enfoques nos ayudarán a explicar 10 el objeto de estudio y la hipótesis de trabajo, y serán los lentes que nos guiarán para entender las causas de la segregación. Las definiciones de una democracia moderna, los conceptos de seguridad del Estado, el discurso dominante, el concepto del Otro, el sistema mundial, serán importantes ejes para entender por qué en un Estado democrático se ejerce la discriminación hacia parte de su población. • Capítulo 2: “Palestinos en Israel. Antecedentes históricos de la segregación”. Para contextualizar y entender mejor el fenómeno en estudio, se revisará la identidad del pueblo palestino; el sionismo y la negación de la autodeterminación de los árabes; el debate sobre un Estado “judío y democrático” y la historia de los palestinos como habitantes del nuevo Estado. Las bases históricas nos ayudarán a entender las razones que llevaron, desde la etapa formativa del Estado, a aplicar una política de exclusión y el por qué los palestinos de Israel no han cesado en su lucha por defender su identidad e igualdad de derechos y por alcanzar un Estado para todos sus ciudadanos. • Capítulo 3: “La Segregación en el Estado de Israel”. En este capítulo se explicará cómo, en la práctica, Israel aplica una política multidimensional de segregación que afecta todos los ámbitos de la vida del ciudadano árabe israelí. Afecta sus derechos políticos, económicos y sociales. • Capítulo 4: “Multiculturalidad como modelo de integración”. En el capítulo final se abordarán distintas propuestas o salidas al fenómeno de la segregación, a través del modelo de integración o multiculturalidad. Se esbozará qué ingeniería política se podría aplicar a Israel que dé expresión al pluralismo cultural, que promueva la no discriminación por razones de raza o cultura, y el reconocimiento de la diferencia. Para así mejorar o superar las relaciones de desigualdad de las minorías respecto de las culturas dominantes.

The theme of this diploma thesis is the analysis of the legal status of Palestine. The theoretical part of this thesis examines the history of Palestine, the relations between Palestine and Israel, the rejection of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 181 by Arab states, Palestinian membership in international organisations, the Oslo I Accord and the Montevideo criteria for statehood.The thesis also evaluates the final status negotiations between Israel and Palestine and various Palestinian government programs. The second part of the thesis analyses the constraints posed by divided Palestinian territories and the dynamics and interactions between Palestinian populations living in and outside the territory. Furthermore this diploma thesis focuses on the Palestinian public sector; especially on the areas of justice, education, health system and defense. Individual chapters also deal with the economic instability of Palestine and its financial dependence on the other, mostly European, countries. In conclusion, this diploma thesis will give not only a comprehensive legal view of the status of Palestine, but also views on Palestinian governance.

O presente trabalho procura a articulaçao das produções de cerâmicas de iluminação romanas tipo discus que estiveram em circulação no Orbis Romanorum durante o séculos II e III EC. A análise comparativa dessas produções tendo inerente a sistematização de dados físico-químicos das argilas de confecção dos objetos pode prover interessantes inferências sobre os locais de fabrico, relações de ruptura e continuidade de estilos e sistemas tecnológicos, bem como fomentar dados para o entendimento da co-constituição do espaço e identidade cultural dos grupos sociais que se utilizaram desses artefatos na paisagem / This PhD dissertation studies the production and distribution of Roman oil lamps made of clay in the Orbis Romanorum during 2nd and 3nd CE by means of thin-section analysis and comparative research, in order to identify workshops in the Levant. The results are compared with modes of production and distribution of Roman oil lamps of North African workshops, against their social and economic implications. This comparative research seeks trends of continuity, discontinuity and change of style and technology in order to foster our understanding of space and cultural identity definition amongst social groups that used clay lamps as social and mental marker

This study is an attempt to comprehend how Palestinians and Israelis perceive the conflict and the peace process. It identifies the channels and dynamics related to the shaping of their perceptions on the individual, community, and political levels. The main objectives of this study are to probe the degree of homogeneity between these levels for both Palestinians and Israelis as well as the degree of discord between them on the same levels and to pinpoint intervening factors that contribute to carving out the ultimate perceptions that individuals hold. Unlike previous work, this study employs a multi-method approach to measure and benchmark of the topic at hand. To bridge further gaps, a developed matrix extends the analyses on temporalspatial dimensions of individuals’ cognitions, affections, and behaviors pertaining to the conflict. This study falls within the descriptive research that seeks probing the effect of macro-level factors (the media, and political parties/leaders) on microlevel ones (the audience cognitive processing), and is involved in describing and identifying its elements and components through the collection and analysis of data. Interpretation of data is based on a combination of content analysis for eight major newspapers, two public opinion surveys and a document analysis affiliated to the main four political parties. The analysis of the Palestinians and Israelis’ perspective of the conflict and the peace process revealed that the actual conflict has three main dimensions: First, the struggle between individuals, which is full of self-contradictions, as each party describes a conflict in a way different than the other. It is a conflict, in which the past and present of the two sides of the conflict are different - the bitter past itself with different narratives, yet the motives are the same but conducive to different results. Whereas each party is blaming the other on these three levels, the conflict is rooted in different forms, but intertwined with one another. Both nations differ entirely in prioritizing the core issues of the conflict. For example, the study reveals that for Palestinians the issue of Jerusalem ranks first, followed by the issue of releasing of prisoners. The issue of the refugees ranks third, and paradoxically recognizing Israel as a Jewish state ranks last according to Palestinians. As for the Israelis, the issue of security and safety ranks first, the recognition of the Jewishness of their state ranks second, followed by the issue of Jerusalem that comes in the third place, whereas and at loggerheads with the Palestinians’ aspirations, the establishing of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders ranks last on their part. The same applies to the proposed solutions of the conflict. The future is fuzzy, and everyone sees the most appropriate solutions that fit their own interest, as a part of the zero-sum game. Both peoples yearn for peace, and both peoples are tired and bored of the conflict, but the majority in both sides, however, are not willing to make concessions towards this end and consequently are not optimistic in reaching peace in the near future. Furthermore, each party does not view the political leadership of the other party as a partner for peace. Secondly, a media conflict, where the analysis illustrates a similarity in the issues raised in the Palestinian and Israeli newspapers, but there were distinct statistical differences in the extent of coverage and in the display of those issues and their interpretation between the Israeli and Palestinian media, the matter which is clearly reflects on the individuals’ view on the causes of the conflict, its consequences and solutions. Regarding the third level of the conflict i.e. the conflict between political leaders and parties, a strong statistical relationship has been established between political affiliation to a particular party and the perspective of both, the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, on the most significant issues of the conflict. This is reflected in the homogeneity degree of the priorities of the parties and political leaders in the analysis of documents and media, in the analysis of the content with the order of priorities in the Palestinian and Israeli mindset. The statistical results have particularly shown a strong reciprocal correlation between the angles of this triangle. The relationship boosts wrong inherited notions and beliefs, which necessitates their eradication and adoption of new strategies on the part of political stakeholders. In that case, the media will publish them in a positive way that serves the peace process and bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to an end. Finally, on the basis of the results and conclusions of this dissertation a model was developed that illustrated how these interactions frame realities into new realities that let the peace process sink even more day by day.

Bibliographic Record ZÁHORA, JAKUB. Mundane Self-Legitimizations of Power: Distribution of the Sensible in the Israeli Settlements in the West Bank. Prague, 2017. 277 p. Doctoral dissertation (Ph.D.) Charles University in Prague, Faculty of Social Sciences, Institute of Political Studies. Thesis supervisor: PhDr. Ondřej Ditrych, MPhil., Ph.D. Abstract: In this doctoral thesis I am looking into mechanisms, practices and political technologies that work to depoliticize contested and potentially disturbing realities. To make sense of these processes, I am utilizing the theoretical and conceptual apparatus derived from Foucault's and Rancière's respective works. Following Rancière, I conceptualize depolitization as a "distribution of the sensible", a particular ordering of what is presented to the senses and thus made intelligible, "obvious" and "natural". Understanding such arrangements in terms of a governmental programme, I focus mostly on material and visual elements of the dispositif that promotes this depoliticizing rationality. Empirically, I am investigating the case of the Israeli so-called non-ideological settlements in the West Bank. Despite some popular misconceptions, these communities attract Israelis by offering cheap public services and housing rather than for their religious-nationalistic...

Genom att genomföra en motivanalys angående USA:s uttalanden gällande brott mot mänskligarättigheter i Ukraina av Ryssland samt i Palestina av Israel, lyckades vi hitta motiv ochförklaringar till varför USA:s ställningstaganden såg ut som de gjorde. Valet av specifikt dessakonflikter baserades på faktumet att det är ungefär samma brott mot mänskliga rättigheter i bådakonflikterna. Även USA:s väldefinierade relationer till både Israel och Ryssland hade en centralroll i valet av forskningsmaterialet. Genom att utforma ett analysverktyg baserat på realism,liberalism och konstruktivism analyserades den amerikanska utrikesministern Antony J. Blinkensuttalanden angående ländernas inskränkningar av de mänskliga rättigheterna. Med hjälp avanalysverktyget samt relevant bakgrundsinformation kunde vi genomföra denna studie.Uttalandena analyserades genom appliceringen av analysverktyget och förankrades i relevantbakgrundsinformation som var avgörande för förklaringen av motiven. Slutsatserna av dennaundersökning blev att USA:s uttalanden gällande Ryssland främst kan motiveras genom det såkallade sociala motivet och att USA:s uttalanden gällande Israel har sina grunder i flera olikamotiv.

This diploma thesis deals with the question of potential membership of Israel in NATO. It elaborates on the hypothesis that Israel is not interested in formal NATO membership, but rather in the broadening of mutual cooperation on a formal basis. The main goal of the thesis is to answer the research question: Why is Israel still not a member of NATO? The answer combines empirical analysis together with theoretical concept of national interest. Empirical sections examine broader context of mutual relations, investigates their interests in further cooperation and defines problems connected with official Israeli application for NATO membership. Theoretical sections examine Israeli national interest in NATO membership through realist and liberal perspective. Combination of empirical and theoretical research provides a wider context of the research question, why is Israel still not a member of NATO. My proposition is that Israeli membership in NATO face challenges on levels of NATO member states as well as on the level of Israeli political representatives. Furthermore, both entities perceive security through different lenses. Israel perceive its security rather through the realist lenses because it still faces basic security threats in its immediate neighborhood, whereas NATO member states already...

Den här uppsatsen behandlar ämnet varför vissa utbrytarstater kan uppnå ett internationellt erkännande medan andra inte gör det, mer specifikt om varför Sverige har erkänt Palestina men inte Kurdistan. Syftet med uppsatsen är att försöka avgöra vilka motiv som ligger bakom besluten utifrån ett deklaratoriskt och konstitutivt perspektiv, alltså teorier som behandlar internationellt erkännande av stater.     För att kunna diskutera och få en tydligare bild av hur Sveriges utrikesdepartement arbetar med erkännanden av stater behövs en översiktlig redogörelse för vad som faktiskt är en stat. Den gängse meningen brukar vara att Montevideokonventionen från 1933 innehåller de kriterier som är grundläggande för att erkännas som en självständig stat. För att bli internationellt erkänd krävs oftast en överenskommelse med moderstaten. Här har de två olika teorierna olika kriterier för att ge rätt till ett erkännande.     Metoden som har tillämpats är en motivanalys där ett analysschema ställdes upp utifrån båda teorierna. Studiens resultat visar att den konstitutiva teorin har ett starkare förklaringsvärde i att förklara motiven bakom beslutet att erkänna Palestina men inte Kurdistan.

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