This diploma thesis deals with the withdrawal of Great Britain from Palestine and the reactions of the Zionist movement on her mandatory policy. In 1937, the British planed to divide the mandate between the Arabs and the Jews, terminate the administration and establish an alliance with the successor states. Disapproval of the Arab world, worsened security in Palestine and the threat of a war in Europe led the mandatory power to prolong the administration and restrict the jewish immigration.These meassures caused a deterioration of Anglo-Zionist relations. During the Second World War, the Zionist Organization put forward a request for the establishment of a Jewish Commonwealth in Palestine. No long after, the British restored their preparations for the termination of the mandate. As before the war, they sought for the pernament teritorial solution for postmandatory Palestine and new allies. Due to unstable geopolitical situation and the loss of her hegemonic position, Great Britain had to consider the attitudes of the Arab world and the United States of America.

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Agradecemos a compreensão. on 2016-09-27T12:33:50Z (GMT) / Submitted by LUCIANA SAAB null (lcn.saab@gmail.com) on 2016-09-30T17:44:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 DISSERTAÇÃO ANVERSO LUCIANA SAAB.pdf: 1484031 bytes, checksum: cd04f99fa27da37b352ad2b4437d3f25 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Ana Paula Grisoto (grisotoana@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-30T19:46:39Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 saab_l_me_mar.pdf: 1484031 bytes, checksum: cd04f99fa27da37b352ad2b4437d3f25 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-30T19:46:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 saab_l_me_mar.pdf: 1484031 bytes, checksum: cd04f99fa27da37b352ad2b4437d3f25 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-26 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Este trabalho retoma a assinatura dos Acordos de Oslo entre israelenses e palestinos em setembro de 1993 a partir do entendimento de que os termos necessários para a resolução do conflito histórico não são discutidos no processo de paz. No decorrer da análise do texto do primeiro documento a ser assinado, a Declaração de Princípios (DOP), percebe-se que o conteúdo da proposta de paz e a fórmula de negociações bilaterais adotada não propõem uma alteração da assimetria de poder existente entre palestinos da OLP e o Estado de Israel, o que torna o processo desigual e extremamente favorável à continuação da ocupação militar israelense sobre os territórios da Faixa de Gaza e da Cisjordânia. O trabalho, portanto, foca sua análise no processo de negociação anterior à assinatura da DOP e no contexto político e econômico dos responsáveis por Oslo para estabelecer quais foram os interesses envolvidos em fechar um acordo e de que maneira eles influenciaram a redação dos termos da declaração. Durante a pesquisa, notamos que os Acordos de Oslo beneficiaram exclusivamente os atores envolvidos nas negociações secretas na Noruega, a OLP e israelenses do partido trabalhista, o que nos permite afirmar que o processo de paz não foi representativo dos diversos setores políticos palestinos e israelenses. O estudo também revela que a proposta de paz oferecida aos palestinos em Oslo é uma formulação israelense que remete ao início do processo de paz no Oriente Médio no ano de 1978, cujo principal objetivo foi a normalização das relações diplomáticas entre israelenses e os Estados árabes vizinhos. Assim, as condições negociadas na ocasião de Oslo partiram de um antigo pressuposto de que a paz regional não pressupõe a criação do Estado palestino, mas apenas o direito de autorrepresentação dos residentes dos territórios ocupados. Essas condições foram aceitas pela liderança de Yasser Arafat como estratégia para obter prestígio político e retornar ao território da Palestina. Concluímos, portanto, que o processo de paz de Oslo não se tratou de uma legítima iniciativa para estabelecer a paz de maneira justa e igualitária na região, conforme divulgado por Israel e pelos Estados Unidos, mas de um acordo entre o partido trabalhista e os palestinos da OLP, elaborado de uma maneira que possibilitou a expansão territorial israelense sobre Gaza e Cisjordânia, desconsiderou a questão dos refugiados e não reconheceu o direito à autodeterminação nacional palestina. / This paper refers to the signing of the Oslo Accords between Israel and the Palestinians in September 1993 from the understanding that the necessary terms in order to solve the historical conflict are not discussed in the peace process. The reading of the first document to be signed, the Declaration of Principles (DOP), reveals that the contents of the peace proposal and the bilateral negotiations formula do not alter the existing asymmetry of power between Palestinians from the PLO and the State of Israel, which makes the uneven process extremely favorable to the continuation of the Israeli military occupation over the territories of Gaza and the West Bank. The paper therefore focuses its analysis on the negotiation process previous to the signing of the DOP and the political and economic context of those responsible for Oslo, in order to establish what were the interests involved and how they influenced the drafting of the terms of the Declaration. During the research, it becomes clear that the Oslo agreements only benefited the actors involved in secret negotiations in Norway, namely the PLO and Israeli Labor Party, which allows us to state that the peace process was not representative of the various Palestinian and Israeli political sectors. The study also reveals that the peace proposal made to the Palestinians in Oslo is an Israeli formulation, that refers back to the beginning of the peace process in the Middle East in 1978, whose main goal was the normalization of diplomatic relations between Israel and the Arab neighboring states . Thus, the conditions discussed in Oslo were based on an old assumption that regional peace does not imply in the creation of a Palestinian state, but only the right to self-representation of the Palestinian residents in the occupied territories. These conditions were accepted by Yasser Arafat as a strategy to gain political prestige and return to the territory of Palestine. We conclude therefore that the Oslo peace process was not a legitimate initiative to establish a fair and equal peace in the region, as claimed by Israel and the United States, but an agreement made between the Israeli Labour Party and the PLO, drafted to enabled the Israeli territorial expansion over the West Bank and Gaza, to dismiss the question of refugees and not recognize the Palestinian’s right to national self-determination.

Under våren 2021 trappades spänningarna mellan Israel och Palestina ännu en gång upp och sociala medier frodades av politiska budskap. Israel-Palestina-konflikten är ett omdebatterat ämne men det saknas ofta ett religionsvetenskapligt perspektiv för att öka förståelsen för konflikten, specifikt synen på Israel och judar/judendomen. Syftet med denna studie är att kritiskt undersöka vilka inlägg som delas på Instagram av två muslimska influensers (Bella Hadid och Isabella Podesta) och hur de använder sina plattformar för att sprida information och uppmana till aktivism kring Israel-Palestina-konflikten. Metoden som användes var kvalitativ innehållsanalys och ett kodschema infogades för att granska de termer som förekom iinfluensernas Instagramstorys samt i vilken utsträckning. Teorin som applicerades på resultatet och i diskussion var religiopolitik. Sammanfattningsvis kan man se att Instagraminläggen som de muslimska influenserna Hadid och Podesta sprider på Instagram kring termerna apartheid, folkmord och antisionism i förhållande till Israel-Palestina-konflikten främst bidrar med avhumanisering och ett onyanserat perspektiv. Genom avhumaniseringen bidrar man med en negativ syn på Israel och i längden en negativ syn på judar och judendomen.Termerna apartheid, antisionism och folkmord användes okritiskt och med en ovetenskaplig grund vilket kan resultera i att förståelse kring konflikten snarare minskar än ökar. Andra termer som ofta förekom var ´Free Palestine´ och inlägg som berörde barns lidande vilket kan vara en grund till framtida forskning kring Israel-Palestina-konflikten. / In the spring of 2021, tensions between Israel and Palestine escalated once again and social media flourished with political messages. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a controversial topic and there is often a lack of a religious perspectives to increase understanding of the conflict, specifically the view of Israel and Jews/Judaism. The purpose of this study is to critically examine the posts shared on Instagram by two Muslim influencers (Bella Hadid and Isabella Podesta) and how they use their platforms to spread information and encourage activism surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The method used was qualitative content analysis and a code-schema was inserted to examine the terms that appeared in the influencers' Instagram stories as well as to what extent. Religiopolitical theory was applied to the results and the discussion. In summary, the Instagram posts that the Muslim influencers Hadid and Podesta spread on Instagram surrounding the terms apartheid, genocide and anti-Zionism in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, mainly contribute to dehumanization and a lessernuanced perspective. Dehumanization contributes to a negative view of Israel and, in the long run, a negative view of Jews and Judaism as well as Zionists. The terms apartheid, anti-Zionism and genocide were used uncritically and with an unscientific basis, which may result in a decreased understanding of the conflict rather than an increased understanding. Other terms that often occurred, as per the code-schema, were ´Free Palestine´ and posts that concerned children's suffering, which may be a basis for future research regarding the Israeli-Palestinianconflict.

Patriarchal power structures and oppression from the occupation are two major influences in how women in Dheisheh refugee camp can live their lives. Gender roles are strict and traditional and women are homebound and generally marginalized in the community. Daily life is made difficult by the occupation making violence, fear and loss a plainness. However, the occupation has caused traditional gender roles to sway, in terms of women having to work outside the home in order to support the family, because husbands and fathers either being killed or imprisoned by the Israeli Occupation Forces, IOF. Women are also given higher education in a larger scale than before because education has become both a form of resistance but also a way and a hope for the younger generation to build a better future for themselves and the community. Making work and education tools and strategies for women to gain more independence. Strength is the outcome of living under dual oppression. Women are forced to be strong by the harshness of living under occupation and are made strong by constantly negotiating their roles as women within the stern framework of a patriarchal society under a violent occupation.

The Swedish government recognised the state of Palestine, it was soon after the Social democrats won the election 2014. Many thought that a similar decision would be made about West Sahara but the proposal got declined. The two cases are therefore interesting because of the similarities with a troubled situation but also because the decisions were made only one year apart and during the same government. The aim of this essay is to analyse what the motives were behind these two decisions and afterwards compare the two cases. This essay will also end with a discussion about the motives and why the government acted the way they did.          The tool for the study is debates and interpellations with statements made by people from the parties in the government. The statements will be analysed and categorised based on the theory by Graham Allison and his two models, the rational choice and organizational behaviour.          The study shows that the reason behind the decision to recognise Palestine was to favour a solution in the troubled area by working for a two-state solution. The government think that the decision will be one step closer to peace between Israel and Palestine. The motive behind the decision not to recognise West Sahara was according to the government because the country lack a highly effective outer defence and the recognition will therefore be delayed until the country is more independent and secure.

The Swedish government recognised the state of Palestine, it was soon after the Social democrats won the election 2014. Many thought that a similar decision would be made about West Sahara but the proposal got declined. The two cases are therefore interesting because of the similarities with a troubled situation but also because the decisions were made only one year apart and during the same government. The aim of this essay is to analyse what the motives were behind these two decisions and afterwards compare the two cases. This essay will also end with a discussion about the motives and why the government acted the way they did.          The tool for the study is debates and interpellations with statements made by people from the parties in the government. The statements will be analysed and categorised based on the theory by Graham Allison and his two models, the rational choice and organizational behaviour.          The study shows that the reason behind the decision to recognise Palestine was to favour a solution in the troubled area by working for a two-state solution. The government think that the decision will be one step closer to peace between Israel and Palestine. The motive behind the decision not to recognise West Sahara was according to the government because the country lack a highly effective outer defence and the recognition will therefore be delayed until the country is more independent and secure.

The aim of this thesis is to evaluate the influence of the settlements on the peace process. It views the settlements as one of the problematic points of the permanent status. It also tries to outline the possibilities of future development of this problem regarding present situation. First part of the thesis presents historic moments that are important for this issue. The second part offers different views of the structure of settlements in the West Bank. The third part deals with the legal dimension of settlements, local administration, and the land-seizure methods. The fourth part is about political representation of the settlers, and also about anti-settler movements. The last part defines settlements as an obstacle in the peace process, and deals with perspectives of future disengagement possibilities.

A presente tese tem por objeto o conflito na Palestina/Israel, mais especificamente as políticas da ocupação israelense na Faixa de Gaza e Cisjordânia e a vulnerabilidade palestina, desde 1967 até os dias de hoje. A situação é analisada a partir da contextualização do conflito no mundo contemporâneo e na região e da contraposição entre bibliografia específica e geral com relatórios de direitos humanos e humanitários. Averígua-se em que medida essa documentação referenda ou fragiliza diferentes interpretações do conflito e da ocupação, bem como quais outras leituras são sugeridas por sua análise. É a permanência do impasse que mantém o tema sempre atual, justificando seu estudo. Constata-se a manutenção de um padrão peculiar de violações sistemáticas dos direitos humanos e humanitários dos palestinos pelo Estado e parte da população israelense, que os mantêm expostos à violência soberana, sendo adequados também para a compreensão dessa situação o conceito de terrorismo estatal e as categorias agambeanas de homo sacer e campo. / This thesis deals with the conflict in Palestine/Israel, more specifically the policies of the Israeli occupation in the Gaza Strip and West Bank and the Palestinian vulnerability, from 1967 to the present day. To analyze the conflict and the occupation they are contextualized in the contemporary world and in the region and the specific and general bibliography are compared to human and humanitarian rights reports. One checks to what extent this documentation endorses or undermines different interpretations of the conflict and Israeli occupation, as well as what other readings are suggested by their analysis. It is the permanence of the impasse that keeps the theme always current, justifying its study. Is verified the maintenance of a peculiar pattern of systematic violations of the human and humanitarian rights of the Palestinians by the State and part of the Israeli population, which keeps them exposed to sovereign violence, and the pertinence of the concept of state terrorism and of the agambean categories of homo sacer and camp to understand this situation.

Esta pesquisa se propõe a compreender como e por que a experiência estética teatral nos territórios palestinos ocupados pode ser transformadora tanto para os artistas envolvidos quanto para os espectadores, revelando-se um meio de autonomia criativa, emancipação subjetiva e afirmação do corpo em contexto de opressão, violência e constante violação aos direitos humanos. A presente investigação toma como base o caso do grupo e centro cultural Teatro da Liberdade (Masrah Al-Hurriya, em árabe, e The Freedom Theatre, em inglês), situado no campo de refugiados de Jenin, no norte da Cisjordânia, visitado pela pesquisadora em duas ocasiões diferentes (2008 e 2016). A princípio, apresenta-se um percurso ao mesmo tempo histórico e geográfico pelos territórios palestinos a fim de compreender o impacto da dominação e das ingerências do Estado de Israel sobre a terra e a população árabe da Palestina na atualidade. Avi Shlaim, Ilan Pappé e Achille Mbembe estão entre os autores utilizados. Em seguida, examinam-se os aspectos do fazer artístico teatral nos territórios palestinos e a especificidade do Teatro da Liberdade, que foi fundado por um judeu-palestino, o ator e diretor Juliano Mer-Khamis. Textos de Judith Butler e Rustom Bharucha oferecem subsídios cruciais. Analisa-se, então, o cotidiano do Teatro da Liberdade, em especial as vivências proporcionadas por sua Escola de Teatro e pelo curso Interpretação, Criação Coletiva e Resistência Cultural, com base em entrevistas presenciais com estudantes, atores, professores e demais integrantes, realizadas durante a pesquisa de campo em 2016, que guiou-se pelos princípios da abordagem cartográfica (Passos; Kastrup; Escóssia, 2009), privilegiando o plano da experiência. Por fim, pretende-se evidenciar os elementos que fazem do teatro uma potente forma de resistência cultural e política no contexto palestino de hoje, partindo de reflexões de Ileana Diéguez sobre a \"crise dos representados\", de Jacques Rancière acerca da partilha do sensível e de Walter Benjamin nas teses de Sobre o Conceito de História (1940), entre outros. / This research aims to understand how and why the theatrical aesthetic experience in the occupied Palestinian territories can be transforming for both artists and spectators, becoming a means of creative autonomy, subjective emancipation and affirmation of the body in a context of oppression, violence and constant violation of human rights. The present investigation is based on the case of the group and cultural center The Freedom Theatre (Masrah Al-Hurriya, in Arabic, and Teatro da Liberdade, in Portuguese), located in the Jenin refugee camp, north of the West Bank, visited by the researcher in two different occasions (2008 and 2016). At first, it is presented a historical and geographical journey through the Palestinian territories in order to understand the impact of the State of Israel\'s domination and interference over the land and the Arab population of Palestine today. Avi Shlaim, Ilan Pappé and Achille Mbembe are among the authors consulted. Next, we examine the aspects of artistic and theatrical work in the Palestinian territories and the specificity of The Freedom Theatre, which was founded by a Jewish-Palestinian: the actor and director Juliano Mer-Khamis. Texts by Judith Butler and Rustom Bharucha offer crucial subsidies. The daily life at The Freedom Theatre is analyzed, especially the experiences provided by its Theatre School and the course Acting, Devising and Cultural Resistance, based on face-to-face interviews made with students, actors, teachers and other members, during the field research in 2016, which was guided by the principles of the cartographic approach (Passos; Kastrup; Escóssia, 2009), privileging the plane of experience. Finally, it is intended to highlight the elements that make theatre a potent form of cultural and political resistance in today\'s Palestinian context, starting with Ileana Diéguez\'s reflections on \"the crisis of the represented ones\", Jacques Rancière\'s thoughts about the distribution of the sensible and Walter Benjamin\' theses from On the Concept of History (1940), among others.

O trabalho aqui apresentado busca analisar a centralidade dos recursos hídricos no conflito israelo-palestino e em suas negociações de paz, no que diz respeito à configuração territorial tanto do Estado de Israel quanto de um possível Estado Palestino, a partir da perspectiva da Geografia Política. Partindo desse pressuposto busca discutir questões relacionadas à segurança internacional, à soberania dos Estados, e uma suposta mudança de paradigmas em relação a esses temas a partir da emergência das questões ambientais nas últimas décadas. A discussão acerca das possibilidades de conflitos envolvendo recursos hídricos é de grande relevância. Assim, analisar esse assunto tendo como área de estudo o Estado de Israel e os Territórios Ocupados da Palestina, acrescenta ao tema elementos de maior dramaticidade, devido a diversos fatores tais como a pouca oferta hídrica e a importância estratégica da região, o que decorre de fatores de ordem econômica, política e cultural. A partir de tal recorte regional, foi feita uma análise do conflito num constante variar de escalas, possibilitando assim, compreender os eventos locais desde uma perspectiva da totalidade, de forma que essa compreensão possa servir também como base para estudos de ordem global. Foi possível perceber as dificuldades encontradas pelo povo palestino, bem como as preocupações do Estado de Israel em relação à sua segurança hídrica. A água se torna então um elemento político na disputa por territórios e também nas mesas de negociações do conflito. / This paper aims at analyzing the centrality of water resources in the Israeli- Palestinian conflict, as well as in their peace attempts, regarding the territorial configuration of both State of Israel and a possible Palestinian State, from a Political Geography perspective. Assuming that the water is a central element in the conflict the present paper discusses some issues related to international security, states sovereignty, and a supposed change of paradigm regarding these issues from the emerging environmental discussions in the last decades. The discussion around the possibilities of existing water-related conflicts is surely relevant. Thus, analyzing this subject, having as a case study the State of Israel and the Occupied Territories of Palestine adds some elements that bring more dramaticity to the matter, due to several factors such as water insufficient offer and the region strategic importance, as a result of factors of economical, political and cultural order. From such regional framework, the conflict has been analyzed with a constant shifting of scales, which allows us to understand local events from a global perspective in a way that this comprehension in a regional scale may serve as a background for studies in a global scale. It was possible to notice the difficulties faced by Palestinians, as well as worries of the State of Israel regarding water security. Water then becomes a political element in the struggle for territories and also, in the peace negotiation talks.