Syftet med denna studie var att belysa hur man gör när man undervisar i ett känsligt ämne. Detta är ett område som tidigare är dåligt utforskat. Studien behandlar Israel-Palestina konflikten och hur den tas upp i gymnasieskolan. Vilka problem är det lärarna möter och måste förhålla sig till? Dessa frågor har undersökts genom intervjuer med lärare i läroämnen som förväntas behandla konflikten. Dessa ämnen var religionskunskap, samhällskunskap och historia. Det som framförallt lyfts fram av lärarna är att ämnet är komplext och att man måste hitta sätt att få eleverna att förstå de olika ställningstaganden som görs av olika grupper. En metod som med framgång används för att skapa denna förståelse och även engagemang är rollspel. Det är även vanligt att eleverna får skriva arbeten där de får fördjupa sin kunskap i ämnet på ett utforskande sätt. Studien visade på att det är två typer av problem som framförallt framkommer. Det första handlade om elever med starka åsikter. Det var vanligast att man hade elever med starka sympatier för Palestinas sak. De intervjuade lärarna belyste denna problematik från olika vinklar och kom även med olika lösningar till detta. Det andra problemet som lärarna möter är rasism och antisemitism. Detta problem hade enligt vissa lärare blivit större under de senaste åren. För att motverka detta är det viktigt att man tidigt arbetar med toleransfrågan. Förkunskaperna bland eleverna är oftast på gränsen till obefintlig vilket även kan vara ett problem.

In studies of social movements, the media and its influence are important aspects for the understanding of protest movements. Based on the media attention that Israel-Palestine- related protests in Sweden received this spring, this study aims to understand how Swedish media frame these protests and how the media can contribute to the legitimation and delegitimization of these protests. Furthermore, this study investigates whether there has been a change in the Swedish media portrayal of Israel-Palestinie related protests in Sweden during 1980–2020. The empirical material is collected from 32 articles of Dagens Nyheter, analyzed, and examined through a qualitative approach and method.  Using a coding scheme based on previous research that states that media have a tendency to frame protests negatively in their news coverage, the findings from analysis are aligned with previous research. Swedish media frames Israel-Palestine related protests more often negatively than positively. On the contrary, protesters are broadly speaking out, which goes against previous research, suggesting that the media tend not to let demonstrators speak. However, the patterns identified in articles where protesters speak can confirm previous research. Articles, where protesters speak tend to give most space to the violence and spectacle of the demonstration rather than their goals and purpose. Giving violence and spectacle the primary scope delegitimizes the protesters and protests. The articles that gave protesters space to speak for themselves and where the article's main focus was on their purpose and goals legitimized the protests. The former, ways in which media delegitimized the protests, were more prevalent in the result. The results showed a change in the framing of the protests tending to become more negative over time.

Under våren 2021 trappades spänningarna mellan Israel och Palestina ännu en gång upp och sociala medier frodades av politiska budskap. Israel-Palestina-konflikten är ett omdebatterat ämne men det saknas ofta ett religionsvetenskapligt perspektiv för att öka förståelsen för konflikten, specifikt synen på Israel och judar/judendomen. Syftet med denna studie är att kritiskt undersöka vilka inlägg som delas på Instagram av två muslimska influensers (Bella Hadid och Isabella Podesta) och hur de använder sina plattformar för att sprida information och uppmana till aktivism kring Israel-Palestina-konflikten. Metoden som användes var kvalitativ innehållsanalys och ett kodschema infogades för att granska de termer som förekom iinfluensernas Instagramstorys samt i vilken utsträckning. Teorin som applicerades på resultatet och i diskussion var religiopolitik. Sammanfattningsvis kan man se att Instagraminläggen som de muslimska influenserna Hadid och Podesta sprider på Instagram kring termerna apartheid, folkmord och antisionism i förhållande till Israel-Palestina-konflikten främst bidrar med avhumanisering och ett onyanserat perspektiv. Genom avhumaniseringen bidrar man med en negativ syn på Israel och i längden en negativ syn på judar och judendomen.Termerna apartheid, antisionism och folkmord användes okritiskt och med en ovetenskaplig grund vilket kan resultera i att förståelse kring konflikten snarare minskar än ökar. Andra termer som ofta förekom var ´Free Palestine´ och inlägg som berörde barns lidande vilket kan vara en grund till framtida forskning kring Israel-Palestina-konflikten. / In the spring of 2021, tensions between Israel and Palestine escalated once again and social media flourished with political messages. The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is a controversial topic and there is often a lack of a religious perspectives to increase understanding of the conflict, specifically the view of Israel and Jews/Judaism. The purpose of this study is to critically examine the posts shared on Instagram by two Muslim influencers (Bella Hadid and Isabella Podesta) and how they use their platforms to spread information and encourage activism surrounding the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The method used was qualitative content analysis and a code-schema was inserted to examine the terms that appeared in the influencers' Instagram stories as well as to what extent. Religiopolitical theory was applied to the results and the discussion. In summary, the Instagram posts that the Muslim influencers Hadid and Podesta spread on Instagram surrounding the terms apartheid, genocide and anti-Zionism in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, mainly contribute to dehumanization and a lessernuanced perspective. Dehumanization contributes to a negative view of Israel and, in the long run, a negative view of Jews and Judaism as well as Zionists. The terms apartheid, anti-Zionism and genocide were used uncritically and with an unscientific basis, which may result in a decreased understanding of the conflict rather than an increased understanding. Other terms that often occurred, as per the code-schema, were ´Free Palestine´ and posts that concerned children's suffering, which may be a basis for future research regarding the Israeli-Palestinianconflict.

A história antiga das peregrinações de cristãos ao que chamam Terra Santa, espaço geográfico que hoje compreende o Estado de Israel e o Estado da Palestina é milenar e sempre ocorreu com a motivação religiosa permeando-a em maior ou menor grau. Com o desenvolvimento do Turismo de massa na modernidade, tendo estabelecido roteiros e pacotes de viagem rígidos devido às exigências econômicas, a prática da peregrinação ganhou novos contornos e chamou a atenção de novos agentes. O Turismo para Israel e, indiretamente, para a Palestina chega hoje a números recordes de turistas vindos de todo o mundo, gerando uma significativa receita para os primeiros de US$ 5,744 bi, com o record de 3,6 milhões de turistas vindos de todo o mundo e é visto pelo Estado como um importante campo para a criação de apoiadores ou embaixadores que podem reproduzir uma narrativa em favor dos seus interesses políticos. Do lado palestino, embora com menor organização e presença midiática, nem por isso deixam de auferir resultados positivos com essa atividade. A partir desse quadro e da Teoria dos Campos, de P. Bourdieu, a pesquisa investiga a extensão do campo desse Turismo entre os evangélicos brasileiros, considerando os campos político e religioso em tensão. Passamos por teorias recentes e atualizadas sobre o Turismo no Brasil e no mundo, aplicando-as ao quadro de referência. Com recorte cronológico a partir do ano 2000, em função do incremento do turismo, com recorte metodológico para caravanas realizadas entre 2011 e 2013 e 2017, a pesquisa foca um grupo de dez turistas que foram acompanhamos por um ano. Entre 2011 e 2013 fizemos nossa primeira viagem aos territórios de Israel e Palestina, seguida de outra em 2012 e a terceira no ano em que iniciei a pesquisa de Mestrado, em 2013. Partindo de fontes bibliográficas inéditas no Brasil, reconstrói-se globalmente a história das peregrinações para a região nos últimos 2000 anos e, mais detalhadamente, a história dessas peregrinações e o início do Turismo comercial no Brasil. A pesquisa resgata, por meio de documentos e entrevistas, a história dos brasileiros que viajaram para Israel-Palestina, desde 1853. Elaboramos uma apresentação das dinâmicas das caravanas no período da profissionalização da atividade, apontando o papel de cada agente envolvido na mesma. A conclusão posiciona os achados no cenário mais amplo da História e considera a relação conturbada entre Turismo e política de Israel e Brasil em anos recentes. Em confronto com os resultados alcançados, nem todas as hipóteses levantadas se verificam, indicando a necessidade de uma revisão na Teoria dos Campos. / The ancient history of pilgrimages of Christians to where they call the Holy Land, today a geographical space that comprises the State of Israel and the State of Palestine is millenarian and has always occurred with religious motivation permeating it to a greater or lesser degree. As the development of modernity Mass tourism has established itineraries and travel packages rigid due to economic requirements, the pilgrimage practice gained new contours and attracted the attention of new agents. Nowadays tourism in Israel and, indirectly, in Palestine reaches record numbers of tourists coming from all over the world, generating a significant revenue for the first of US $ 5.744 billion, with a record of 3.6 million tourists from all over the world and it is seen by the state as an important field for the creation of supporters or \"ambassadors\" who can reproduce a narrative in favor of their political interests. Although with less organization and media presence, they nevertheless fail to obtain positive results with this activity on the Palestinian side. From this painting and the Theory of Fields, by P. Bourdieu, the research investigates the extension of the field of this Tourism among Brazilian evangelicals, considering the political and religious fields in tension. We have passed through recent and up-to-date theories on Tourism in Brazil and in the world, applying them to the frame of reference. With a chronological cut from the year 2000, due to the increase in tourism, with a methodological cut for caravans between 2011 and 2013 and 2017, the survey focuses on a group of ten tourists who have been accompanying us for a year. Between 2011 and 2013 we made our first trip to the territories of Israel and Palestine, followed by another in 2012 and the third in the year in which I started the Master\'s research in 2013. Starting from unpublished bibliographical sources in Brazil, history is reconstructed globally of the pilgrimages to the region in the last 2000 years and, in more detail, the history of these pilgrimages and the beginning of commercial tourism in Brazil. The research rescues, through documents and interviews, the history of the Brazilians who have traveled to Israel-Palestine since 1853. We have elaborated a presentation of the dynamics of the caravans during the period of professionalization of the activity, pointing out the role of each agent involved in it. The conclusion positions the findings in the broader scenario of history and considers the troubled relationship between tourism and politics of Israel and Brazil in recent years. In contrast to the results achieved, not all the hypotheses have been raised, it has indicated the need for a review in the Field Theory.

This study is an attempt to comprehend how Palestinians and Israelis perceive the conflict and the peace process. It identifies the channels and dynamics related to the shaping of their perceptions on the individual, community, and political levels. The main objectives of this study are to probe the degree of homogeneity between these levels for both Palestinians and Israelis as well as the degree of discord between them on the same levels and to pinpoint intervening factors that contribute to carving out the ultimate perceptions that individuals hold. Unlike previous work, this study employs a multi-method approach to measure and benchmark of the topic at hand. To bridge further gaps, a developed matrix extends the analyses on temporalspatial dimensions of individuals’ cognitions, affections, and behaviors pertaining to the conflict. This study falls within the descriptive research that seeks probing the effect of macro-level factors (the media, and political parties/leaders) on microlevel ones (the audience cognitive processing), and is involved in describing and identifying its elements and components through the collection and analysis of data. Interpretation of data is based on a combination of content analysis for eight major newspapers, two public opinion surveys and a document analysis affiliated to the main four political parties. The analysis of the Palestinians and Israelis’ perspective of the conflict and the peace process revealed that the actual conflict has three main dimensions: First, the struggle between individuals, which is full of self-contradictions, as each party describes a conflict in a way different than the other. It is a conflict, in which the past and present of the two sides of the conflict are different - the bitter past itself with different narratives, yet the motives are the same but conducive to different results. Whereas each party is blaming the other on these three levels, the conflict is rooted in different forms, but intertwined with one another. Both nations differ entirely in prioritizing the core issues of the conflict. For example, the study reveals that for Palestinians the issue of Jerusalem ranks first, followed by the issue of releasing of prisoners. The issue of the refugees ranks third, and paradoxically recognizing Israel as a Jewish state ranks last according to Palestinians. As for the Israelis, the issue of security and safety ranks first, the recognition of the Jewishness of their state ranks second, followed by the issue of Jerusalem that comes in the third place, whereas and at loggerheads with the Palestinians’ aspirations, the establishing of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders ranks last on their part. The same applies to the proposed solutions of the conflict. The future is fuzzy, and everyone sees the most appropriate solutions that fit their own interest, as a part of the zero-sum game. Both peoples yearn for peace, and both peoples are tired and bored of the conflict, but the majority in both sides, however, are not willing to make concessions towards this end and consequently are not optimistic in reaching peace in the near future. Furthermore, each party does not view the political leadership of the other party as a partner for peace. Secondly, a media conflict, where the analysis illustrates a similarity in the issues raised in the Palestinian and Israeli newspapers, but there were distinct statistical differences in the extent of coverage and in the display of those issues and their interpretation between the Israeli and Palestinian media, the matter which is clearly reflects on the individuals’ view on the causes of the conflict, its consequences and solutions. Regarding the third level of the conflict i.e. the conflict between political leaders and parties, a strong statistical relationship has been established between political affiliation to a particular party and the perspective of both, the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, on the most significant issues of the conflict. This is reflected in the homogeneity degree of the priorities of the parties and political leaders in the analysis of documents and media, in the analysis of the content with the order of priorities in the Palestinian and Israeli mindset. The statistical results have particularly shown a strong reciprocal correlation between the angles of this triangle. The relationship boosts wrong inherited notions and beliefs, which necessitates their eradication and adoption of new strategies on the part of political stakeholders. In that case, the media will publish them in a positive way that serves the peace process and bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to an end. Finally, on the basis of the results and conclusions of this dissertation a model was developed that illustrated how these interactions frame realities into new realities that let the peace process sink even more day by day.

This thesis analyzes the representation of the Israel-Palestine conflict in Swedish and international news media, with focus on the escalation following an attack by Hamas on October 7, 2023. Drawing inspiration from prior research, the study explores the media's role in shaping public perceptions of the conflict. The theoretical framework combines semiotics and framing theory to dissect the narrative construction in media. A qualitative approach using critical discourse analysis is employed to examine 63 articles from Aftonbladet, The Guardian, and Al Ahram. The analysis identifies three central themes: perpetrators, victims, and the right to self-defense. These themes are further dissected into sub-themes focusing on the portrayal of violence, militant groups, and specifically the suffering of children. The findings reveal significant disparities in the representation of the conflict across the three news outlets. Aftonbladet and The Guardian often portray Hamas as the primary perpetrator, using strong language and metaphors to emphasize aggression and violence, whereas Al Ahram presents a narrative that focuses more on the suffering of Palestinians, depicting Israel as the aggressor. The portrayal of victims in these outlets varies, with a noticeable emphasis on the suffering of children to evoke empathy and highlight the human cost of the conflict. The right to self-defense is depicted differently, with Western media emphasizing Israel's security needs and Al Ahram highlighting the Palestinian struggle for self-determination and resistance against occupation. The study concludes that the media's representation is deeply influenced by sociocultural and political contexts, which shape public perception and understanding of the Israel-Palestine conflict.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-08T16:52:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 123973.pdf: 2284353 bytes, checksum: bb77326a8d3f3be018ec7cd882b3b6ad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-06-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O presente trabalho pretende analisar o texto teatral Sete Crianças Judias de Caryl Churchill como um jogo de profanação política. Escrita em 2009, a obra é uma resposta artística e política da autora à operação militar israelense ocorrida em Gaza em 2008/09 e gerou fortes repercussões no mundo todo, inclusive acusações de antissemitismo. O texto é analisado em seu caráter híbrido que transita entre gêneros líricos e épicos, e entre formas dramáticas/melodramáticas e formas não mais dramáticas. Assim, a estrutura formal será abordada a partir da ideia de texto rapsódico, proposta por Sarrazac (2002). A partir do conceito tradicional de jogo conforme Huizinga (2000) e Caillois (1990), e suas correlações com a forma dramática absoluta, a primeira cena é compreendida como a proposição de um jogo melodramático localizado em um passado longínquo. Acordo esse que não será cumprido. Para compreender o jogo proposto pela autora, recorro a três autores principais. 1 - A visão de jogo infinito de Carse (1986) para descrever o dispositivo de abertura temporal e o descumprimento do acordo melodramático. 2- A noção de Gadamer (1999) sobre a capacidade do jogo de mobilizar e transformar indivíduo e sociedade para descrever os dispositivos de deslocamento e mobilizações intra e extraficcionais do texto. 3- A provocação de Agamben (2007), ao eleger como tarefa política do jogo o ato profanador. Nesse trabalho sustento a hipótese de que Sete Crianças Judias profana simbolicamente o uso consagrado do gênero melodramático para a manutenção de uma moralidade instituída, do uso da concepção moderna do imaginário da criança como objeto de justificativa da guerra, e do caráter mítico do discurso histórico oficial israelense.

Vi har genomfört en retorisk analys av Oatlys externa kommunikation under tre politiskt orienterade kriser i syfte att undersöka hur de använder olika strategier och retoriska medel för att övertyga sin publik och upprätthålla sin image. Med förtroendekris, public relations, Image Repair Theory och retorik som teoretiskt ramverk har vi kunnat identifiera hur Oatlys kommunikation förhåller sig till olika normer och strategier inom dessa teorier. Resultatet visar att det i vissa fall finns ett glapp mellan vad företaget står för och hur det agerar. De håller en aktiv och personlig kommunikation med sin publik men under kriserna visar kommunikationen att den relation Oatly har med publiken bortprioriteras. Oatly har som mål att göra sitt bästa för klimatet och för att uppnå detta riskerar de att skada förtroendet och sitt etiska rykte hos sin publik. / We have conducted a rhetorical analysis of Oatly's external communication during three politically oriented crises in order to examine how their crisis communication uses different strategies and rhetorical means to convince its audience and maintain its image. With trust crisis, public relations, Image Repair Theory and rhetorics as a theoretical framework, we have been able to identify how Oatly's communication relates to different norms and strategies within these theories. The results show that in some cases there is a gap between what the company stands for and how it acts. They maintain an active and personal communication with their audience, but during the crises, the communication shows that Oatly's relationship with the audience is de-prioritized. Oatly aims to do their best for the climate and to achieve the goal, they risk damaging the trust and ethical reputation of their audience.

Submitted by Noeme Timbo (noeme.timbo@metodista.br) on 2016-08-09T19:21:18Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tamires Silva Pereira Prazeres.pdf: 910375 bytes, checksum: 982d55415ff4191b071ad2ff48020523 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-09T19:21:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Tamires Silva Pereira Prazeres.pdf: 910375 bytes, checksum: 982d55415ff4191b071ad2ff48020523 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-03-17 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / This search examines the religion in the conflict between Israel and Palestine, especially in the context of implementation of the State of Israel in 1948. The analysis takes as historical definition of conflict the period 1896-1948, when the inmigration of the first groups of Jews to the Palestinian territories. The initial question is how Jews and Muslims were related in the early years of inmigration to the creation of the State of Israel. The main issue to be clarified is how Western cultural building toward the Palestinians interfered in the conflict, especially with regard to the taking of the land and the construction of a new country within an existing, socially, religiously and culturally. Finally, the search asks about the effect of the conflict between Israelis and Palestinians in the Protestant religious space, especially among conservative groups and fundamentalists of this branch of christianity. The research is fully literature and refers to postcolonial theories to discuss the history of the territory, with regard to the religious aspects of the conflict / O presente trabalho analisa o papel da religião no conflito entre Israel e Palestina, principalmente no contexto da implantação do Estado de Israel, em 1948. A análise toma como delimitação histórica do conflito o período de 1896 a 1948, quando ocorre a migração das primeiras levas de judeus para os territórios palestinos. A pergunta inicial é sobre como judeus e muçulmanos se relacionavam nos primeiros anos de imigração até a criação do Estado de Israel. O problema principal a ser esclarecido é como a construção cultural ocidental em relação aos palestinos interferiu no conflito, principalmente no que tange à tomada da terra e à construção de um novo país dentro de um já existente, socialmente, religiosamente e culturalmente. Finalmente a pesquisa pergunta pela repercussão do conflito entre israelenses e palestinos no campo religioso protestante, principalmente entre grupos conservadores e fundamentalistas deste ramo do cristianismo. A pesquisa é totalmente bibliográfica e toma como referência as teorias pós-coloniais para debater a história do território, no que se refere aos aspectos religiosos do conflito.

This study is an attempt to comprehend how Palestinians and Israelis perceive the conflict and the peace process. It identifies the channels and dynamics related to the shaping of their perceptions on the individual, community, and political levels. The main objectives of this study are to probe the degree of homogeneity between these levels for both Palestinians and Israelis as well as the degree of discord between them on the same levels and to pinpoint intervening factors that contribute to carving out the ultimate perceptions that individuals hold. Unlike previous work, this study employs a multi-method approach to measure and benchmark of the topic at hand. To bridge further gaps, a developed matrix extends the analyses on temporalspatial dimensions of individuals’ cognitions, affections, and behaviors pertaining to the conflict. This study falls within the descriptive research that seeks probing the effect of macro-level factors (the media, and political parties/leaders) on microlevel ones (the audience cognitive processing), and is involved in describing and identifying its elements and components through the collection and analysis of data. Interpretation of data is based on a combination of content analysis for eight major newspapers, two public opinion surveys and a document analysis affiliated to the main four political parties. The analysis of the Palestinians and Israelis’ perspective of the conflict and the peace process revealed that the actual conflict has three main dimensions: First, the struggle between individuals, which is full of self-contradictions, as each party describes a conflict in a way different than the other. It is a conflict, in which the past and present of the two sides of the conflict are different - the bitter past itself with different narratives, yet the motives are the same but conducive to different results. Whereas each party is blaming the other on these three levels, the conflict is rooted in different forms, but intertwined with one another. Both nations differ entirely in prioritizing the core issues of the conflict. For example, the study reveals that for Palestinians the issue of Jerusalem ranks first, followed by the issue of releasing of prisoners. The issue of the refugees ranks third, and paradoxically recognizing Israel as a Jewish state ranks last according to Palestinians. As for the Israelis, the issue of security and safety ranks first, the recognition of the Jewishness of their state ranks second, followed by the issue of Jerusalem that comes in the third place, whereas and at loggerheads with the Palestinians’ aspirations, the establishing of a Palestinian state on the 1967 borders ranks last on their part. The same applies to the proposed solutions of the conflict. The future is fuzzy, and everyone sees the most appropriate solutions that fit their own interest, as a part of the zero-sum game. Both peoples yearn for peace, and both peoples are tired and bored of the conflict, but the majority in both sides, however, are not willing to make concessions towards this end and consequently are not optimistic in reaching peace in the near future. Furthermore, each party does not view the political leadership of the other party as a partner for peace. Secondly, a media conflict, where the analysis illustrates a similarity in the issues raised in the Palestinian and Israeli newspapers, but there were distinct statistical differences in the extent of coverage and in the display of those issues and their interpretation between the Israeli and Palestinian media, the matter which is clearly reflects on the individuals’ view on the causes of the conflict, its consequences and solutions. Regarding the third level of the conflict i.e. the conflict between political leaders and parties, a strong statistical relationship has been established between political affiliation to a particular party and the perspective of both, the Palestinian and Israeli peoples, on the most significant issues of the conflict. This is reflected in the homogeneity degree of the priorities of the parties and political leaders in the analysis of documents and media, in the analysis of the content with the order of priorities in the Palestinian and Israeli mindset. The statistical results have particularly shown a strong reciprocal correlation between the angles of this triangle. The relationship boosts wrong inherited notions and beliefs, which necessitates their eradication and adoption of new strategies on the part of political stakeholders. In that case, the media will publish them in a positive way that serves the peace process and bring the Palestinian-Israeli conflict to an end. Finally, on the basis of the results and conclusions of this dissertation a model was developed that illustrated how these interactions frame realities into new realities that let the peace process sink even more day by day.