Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Le sujet de cette thèse est l’analyse comparative des débats parlementaires portugais, brésiliens et roumains, dans l’optique de l’organisation interactionnelle et de l’usage des formes d’adresse (Carreira 1997). Du point de vue théorique, notre étude s’appuie sur la linguistique interactionnelle (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), sur l’analyse du discours politique (Charaudeau 2005) et du discours parlementaire (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). Après un préambule juridico-politique, qui présente le fonctionnement des parlements dans les trois pays choisis (Portugal, Brésil, Roumanie), nous analysons, dans la première partie de la thèse, les transcriptions officielles des réunions parlementaires en tant que corpus pour l’étude linguistique. Ensuite, nous nous concentrons sur les particularités de la structure séquentielle des débats – ouverture, corps, clôture –, la négociation du tour de parole et les stratégies d’éviter les réponses aux questions. La deuxième partie de la thèse se penche sur les usages de formes d’adresse dans la construction des auto-images et hétéro-images et dans la configuration de la distance interlocutive. Cette approche nous a permis de dégager quelques particularités de chaque sous-corpus: les débats portugais sont plus proches du protocole parlementaire (structure micro-séquentielle plus rigide, usage quasi exclusif des formes nominales d’adresse institutionnelles), alors que dans les débats brésiliens et roumains il y a plus de flexibilité dans la construction micro-séquentielle (les actes rituels sont plus fréquents) aussi bien que dans l’usage des formes d’adresse plus variées (relationnelles, académiques, professionnelles, génériques). / The subject of this thesis is the comparative analysis of Portuguese, Brazilian and Romanian parliamentary debates, from the point of view of interactional organization and address terms uses (Carreira 1997). Our theoretical framework is interactional linguistics (Kerbrat-Orecchioni 1990), political discourse analysis (Charaudeau 2005) and parliamentary discourse analysis (Ilie 2006; Marques 2000). After a legal and political preamble that presents how parliaments in the three selected countries (Portugal, Brazil, Romania) work, we analyse, in the first part of the thesis, the official transcripts of parliamentary sittings as a corpus for linguistic studies. Then we focus on the characteristics of the sequential structure of the debates – opening, body, closing –, negotiation of turn taking and evasion strategies in answering questions. The second part of the thesis focuses on the uses of address terms in constructing images of the self and of the others and the configuration of interlocutive distance. This approach has allowed us to identify a few characteristics of each sub-corpus: Portuguese debates are closer to the parliamentary protocol (the micro-sequential structure is more rigid, nominal institutional address forms are used almost exclusively), while in Brazilian and Romanian debates there is more flexibility both in the micro-sequential construction (ritual acts are more frequent) and in the wider range of address forms used (relational, academic, professional, generic).

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Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal

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Submitted by Renata Lopes (renatasil82@gmail.com) on 2016-07-27T19:59:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 tatianagoncalvesdeoliveira.pdf: 1496543 bytes, checksum: 5fefe8b8b2f8932a8b10fd4a712b8db4 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Adriana Oliveira (adriana.oliveira@ufjf.edu.br) on 2016-07-28T12:14:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 tatianagoncalvesdeoliveira.pdf: 1496543 bytes, checksum: 5fefe8b8b2f8932a8b10fd4a712b8db4 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-28T12:14:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 tatianagoncalvesdeoliveira.pdf: 1496543 bytes, checksum: 5fefe8b8b2f8932a8b10fd4a712b8db4 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Buscando contribuir com a historiografia acerca da história dos índios no Brasil, principalmente no que tange às relações sociais, políticas e culturais nos aldeamentos, esta dissertação propõe o entendimento da política indigenista que vigorou na província de Minas Gerais entre os anos de 1873 e 1889. Escolhemos como objeto de análise o Aldeamento dos Índios de Itambacuri, fundado em 1873 no norte de Minas Gerais por missionários italianos da ordem dos Capuchinhos. A escolha desse aldeamento foi motivada pela sua duração maior em relação aos outros aldeamentos criados no mesmo período, pela sua importância e centralidade para o entendimento da política indigenista provincial e imperial. Ao problematizar a organização social e o cotidiano do Aldeamento de Itambacuri, buscou-se ainda reconhecer as negociações e disputas que marcaram as relações interétnicas entre os diferentes sujeitos que vivenciaram aquela experiência, desde os padres diretores, índios de diferentes etnias e populações adjacentes ao Itambacuri. Incluem-se nesse cenário as elites locais e provinciais que buscavam seus domínios sobre as terras do vale do Mucuri, além do controle sobre a mão de obra indígena daqueles “sertões”. É importante salientar que, a experiência provincial da política indigenista praticada em Minas foi pensada em consonância com as diretrizes e propostas vindas da corte. Logo, a dissertação também caminhou no sentido de compreender o cenário político imperial, os debates em torno da questão indígena, antes e depois da promulgação do Regulamento acerca das missões de catequese e civilização dos índios de 1845. Assim, a análise dos debates parlamentares travados no Senado antes da promulgação de uma política indigenista para a catequese e “civilização” dos índios das províncias do Império demonstra a nebulosidade que pairava sobre esta tão implexa questão. Ao analisarmos esses debates colocamos em evidência uma fonte muito pouco explorada pela historiografia para se pensar, por exemplo, as diferentes propostas de integração dos índios à sociedade oitocentista. Assim sendo, este trabalho buscou conciliar os encontros e desencontros de uma política nacional indigenista, que deveria, portanto, ser aplicada em todas as províncias, com as adaptações sofridas por esta quando introduzida em Minas Gerais. Para além do debate político, procuramos demonstrar as trajetórias dos diferentes povos indígenas que vivenciaram de formas distintas as novas e velhas relações trazidas e mantidas pelo novo Regulamento indigenista. / Seeking to contribute to the historiography about the history of the Indians in Brazil, especially in reference to social, political and cultural in the settlements, this dissertation proposes the understanding of indigenous policy that was in force in the province of Minas Gerais between 1873 and 1889. We chose as object of analysis the Indians' Village of Itambacuri, founded in 1873 in the north of Minas Gerais by Italian missionaries of the order of the Capuchins. The choice of this village was motivated by its longer duration in comparison to other settlements created at the same period and by its importance its centrality to the understanding of provincial Indian policy and imperial. To problematize the social organization and daily life from village of Itambacuri, we sought to recognize the negotiations and disputes that marked the interethnic relations between the different subjects who experienced that experience, from the directors priests, Indians from different ethnic groups and adjacent populations to Itambacuri. The local and provincial elites are included in this scenario. They sought their control over the lands of the valley of the Mucuri, beyond their control over the indigenous labor of those "hinterlands". It’s important to notice that the provincial experience of indigenous policy practiced in Minas was designed in line with the guidelines proposals from the court. So, this dissertation also goes towards understanding the imperial political scenario, the debate on the indigenous issue before and after the promulgation of the Regulation about the catechetical mission and indians civilization in 1845. Thus, the analysis of parliamentary debates in the Senate before to the promulgation of an indigenous policy for Indians’ catechesis and Indians’ "civilization" from the Empire provinces shows nebulosity that hung over this complex question. By analyzing these debates we put in evidence a field very little explored by historiography to think about, for example, the different integration proposals of Indians into the nineteenth century society. Therefore, this study sought to reconcile the similarities and differences of a national indigenous policy which should be applied in all provinces with the adaptations suffered by this one when it was introduced in Minas Gerais. Beyond the political debate, we sought to demonstrate the paths of different indigenous peoples who lived in different ways the new and old relations brought and maintained by the new indigenous Regulation.

The aim of this study is to examine how the political change in the migration policy has changed since the migration crisis in 2015. The premise to analyse this change will be how four political parties in Sweden; the Swedish Social Democratic Party, the Green Party, the Liberals and the Center Party, have expressed their political opinion about migration policy in two different parliamentary debates. The method for this study is a qualitative text analysis and with the help of this method, key concepts have been identified. Additionally, relevant information has been selected from the parliamentary debates and have been included in this study.The results of this study have been analysed by previous research and theories in order to reach a conclusion. The study concludes that the migration policy in Sweden has gone from being generous to being more coarse. Further, it is revealed that the Swedish Democrats entry to the Swedish Parliament was an external stimuli which probably was an underlying factor to the change in migration policy in Sweden.

This thesis contributes to the burgeoning field of the history of sexuality in New Zealand and seeks to distill the more theorised and reflexive understanding of the subjectively understood queer male identity since 1948. Emerging from the disciplines of History and English, this project draws from a range of narratological materials: parliamentary debates contained in Hansard, and novels and short stories written by men with publicly avowed queer identities. This thesis explores how both 'normative' identity and the category of 'the homosexual' were constructed and mobilised in the public domain, in this case, the House of Representatives. It shows that members of the House have engaged with an extensive tradition of defining and excluding; a process by which state and public discourses have constructed largely unified, negative and othering narratives of 'the homosexual'. This constitutes an overarching narrative of queer experience which, until the mid-1990s, excluded queer subjects from its construction. At the same time, fictional narratives offer an adjacent body of knowledge and thought for queer men and women. This thesis posits literature's position as an important and productive space for queer resistance and critique. Such texts typically engage with and subvert 'dominant' or 'normative' understandings of sexuality and disturb efforts to apprehend precise or linear histories of 'gay liberation' and 'gay consciousness'. Drawing from the works of Frank Sargeson, James Courage, Bill Pearson, Noel Virtue, Stevan Eldred-Grigg, and Peter Wells, this thesis argues for a revaluing of fictional narratives as active texts from which historians can construct a matrix of cultural experience, while allowing for, and explaining, the determining role such narratives play in the discursively constructed understandings of gender and sexuality in New Zealand.

<p>This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press? </p><p>Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion.</p><p>The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion.</p><p>The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.</p>

This thesis analyses how 'public opinion' was conceptualised by Members of the Swedish Parliament (MPs) between 1848 and 1919. The source material consists of the printed minutes from parliamentary debates where issues such as religious freedom, constitutional reform and reform of the Press were discussed. What happened to the ideal of an enlightened public opinion when the development of a large-scale industrial economy changed the nature of the Press? Two main aspects of public opinion are analysed. Firstly, the question of what MPs considered the most reliable source of public opinion is examined. The legitimacy of manifestations claiming to represent public opinion, such as written petitions, the Press, Parliament itself, quantitative estimations and also the silent opinion was discussed. In the 1910s the voices of women were also included by some MPs when assessing public opinion. The second main aspect is how MPs envisioned the relationship between the reliability of public opinion and the conditions for public discourse. Here an important distinction was made between public opinion formed in a free and unhindered debate and that brought about by persuasion. The study shows that public opinion was a contested concept in the Swedish Parliament. In the 1850s, Conservatives gave the religiously conservative nature of public opinion as a reason to postpone the reform of religious laws. In debating constitutional reform, on the other hand, it was the Liberals who argued that decisions should follow public opinion. In the 1910s, the Left was divided over the relationship between public opinion and the State, with some arguing that the State should intervene in the public debate to offset the negative influence of market mechanisms. Others felt that public opinion rather than legislation should set the limits of the public discourse, especially in the case of religion, but also concerning the Press.