This essay refers to analyse how the French far-right party National Front was able to establish themselves in 2002 and how they continued to develop from the presidential election of 2002 to the most recent presidential election of 2017. The thory used to analyse regards the establishment and development of far-right parties and the model of PPM, standing for the policy process model and concerns factors of political opportunities, mobilisation and the political master frame, is used to analyse the party. The model is later applied to the National Front from 2002 to 2017 by reading existing work on the subject to find a result and examine hoe the development has shown. The conclusion of the analysis is that they have used the opportunities they have gotten from other parties as they have legitimised the party. But still, little difference is to be seen in the party's political master frame, the biggest difference is regarding the party's discourse where the current leader of the party, Marine Le Pen, has wanted to differentiate her leadership and the party from how it was during the former leader, Jean-Marie Le Pen.

Amorphous solid dispersions of polysaccharide-drug nanoparticles were produced by a rapid precipitation process known as flash nanoprecipitation and the formulation process and properties of nanoparticles were investigated. In this thesis, several novel cellulose derivatives and a pullulan derivative were studied. Among these polymers, carboxymethyl cellulose acetate butyrate (CMCAB)-drug nanoparticles were investigated in detail. Previous work has shown that the presence of different chemical groups in CMCAB could aid in complexation with hydrophobic drugs with low solubility, forming an amorphous matrix which can increase the effective solubility and, hence, bioavailability of the drug in physiological conditions. An antibacterial drug and two less soluble anti-viral drugs were selected as model drugs for this study. A separate study was conducted with several other cellulose derivatives like cellulose acetate propionate adipates with two different degree of substitution 0.33 and 0.85 (CAP-Adp 0.33 and CAP-Adp 0.85), cellulose acetate sebacate (CA-320S Se) and butyl pullulan-6-carboxylate (BPC) polymers. The effect of polymer interaction with drug molecule on release of antiviral drugs was studied with these latter polymers. The purpose of this research was two-fold. First, the methodology for producing drug-polymer nanoparticles with well-defined particle size distributions was developed. Second, the factors affecting drug loading and release properties of these nanoparticles were investigated. The nanoparticles were processed using two methods of solvent removal and drying to investigate their effects on drug loading and particle size: (a) various combinations of rotary vacuum evaporation (rotavap) and acid-induced flocculation were used and (b), dialysis followed by freeze drying. Dynamic light scattering showed particle sizes were between 150-400 nm with polydispersity index values as low as 0.12. The antibiotic drug loading efficiencies ranged from 14-40%, whereas drug loading efficiency as high as 85 % was attained with the antiviral drug. The dissolution studies showed an increase in the solution concentration and release of the amorphous drug nanoparticles. The high glass transition temperature helped to stabilize the drug in an amorphous form, thus increasing the effective solution concentration of the drug in an aqueous medium. / Ph. D.

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Mémoire numérisé par la Direction des bibliothèques de l'Université de Montréal.

The purpose of this critical discourse analysis study is to analyse Swedish and international legislation to determine if it is possible to restrict the use of religious symbols among extreme right movements. To contextualise the analysis material it is prudent to describe the rise and development of Nordic neo-paganism and its connections to extreme right movements. Since the runes in this study share some history with the swastika in Nazi Germany some context about the history of this symbol is also provided. I have divided the analysis into two sections: The first part evaluates legislation and includes the Swedish contitutional law (RF), the European convention on human rights (ECHR) as well as the Swedish discrimination law. The analysis also includes legislative information from the Swedish government agencies called the Chancellor of Justice and the Swedish Agency for Support to Faith Communities. The second part of the analysis focuses on two political extreme right parties called The Nordic resistance movement (NRM) and the Swedish party (SP) as well as their symbols, the tyr rune and the helmet of terror. The result of the analysis shows that it is not possible to limit the religious legislations’ inner core, which stipulates the rights of belief and freedom from it. It is however possible to make limitations in the legislations’ outer core which is mainly comprised of the freedom of speech dimension of the religious freedom.

Le gouvernement du PLQ élu en 2003 a-t-il réalisé ses engagements électoraux ? La théorie du mandat prédit que les gouvernements élus vont respecter leurs promesses, mais dans un contexte de rareté, toutes les promesses ne peuvent être réalisées et un choix doit être fait. Or, la théorie ne précise pas selon quels critères ce choix s'effectue. L'innovation consiste à utiliser la théorie de l'agenda-setting pour prédire que le gouvernement va réaliser les engagements qui correspondent aux enjeux qui ont le plus de relief dans les agendas politique, public et médiatique. En utilisant une série de documents diversifiée pour déterminer le degré de réalisation des engagements, les résultats indiquent que près de 60% des engagements de la plateforme électorale ont été partiellement ou totalement réalisés et que d'un manière générale, les engagements qui correspondent aux enjeux saillants des agendas ont une plus forte probabilité d'être déclarés réalisés.

Québec Université Laval, Bibliothèque 2012

Les élections à date fixe se sont inscrites dans le paysage politique québécois pour la première fois lors de l'élection générale de 2018. Les quatre partis politiques présents à l'Assemblée nationale ont dû revoir leurs stratégies de préparation électorale dans le contexte où un mandat est maintenant d'une durée prévisible de quatre ans. L'objectif de ce mémoire est d'analyser comment le processus électoral a été revu au Québec et comment les partis politiques se sont adaptés aux changements qu'impose la loi sur les élections à date fixe. Nos travaux contribuent à circonscrire le concept de campagne permanente alors que les élections à date fixe sont une de ses composantes. Des entretiens ont été réalisés avec treize stratèges politiques représentants la CAQ, le PLQ, le PQ et QS. Plusieurs constats ressortent de notre étude dont la notion de prévisibilité qui permet aux partis politiques de mieux planifier leur processus électoral. Cette prévisibilité implique aussi la notion de facilité dans le contexte ou l'organisation de l'ensemble du processus électoral se trouve facilitée puisque tous connaissent la date du scrutin. Il est plus facile de préparer l'élection, plus facile de recruter des candidats ou encore plus facile d'organiser les budgets. Une des contributions importantes de notre recherche concerne le recrutement des candidats provenant de groupes sous-représentés en politique, dont les femmes. Il a été possible de démontrer que la notion de prévisibilité donne aux recruteurs une marge de manœuvre pour convaincre notamment des femmes de faire le saut en politique. Le fait de connaître la date de l'élection leur permet, par exemple, de réserver des circonscriptions gagnantes plus longtemps avant de les attribuer à un candidat. La question d'équité est aussi abordée dans ce mémoire alors que les partis qui œuvrent dans l'opposition affirment que le parti au pouvoir perd un de plusieurs avantages en étant lié par une loi qui fixe la date du scrutin. Nos résultats montrent aussi que la pré-campagne électorale entre dans les mœurs politiques au Québec et que le scrutin à date fixe, bien que non enchâssé dans la constitution, est, pour l'instant du moins, appréciée par l'ensemble des partis politiques. / Fixed-date elections entered the Quebec political landscape for the first time during the 2018 general election. The four political parties present in the National assembly had to review their electoral preparedness strategies in the context where a mandate is now for a foreseeable period of four years. The objective of this research is to analyze how the electoral process has been in Quebec and how political parties have adapted to changes imposed by the law on fixed-date elections. Our work contributes to defining the concept of permanent campaigning, while fixe-dat elections are one of its components. Interviews were conducted with thirteen political strategists representing the CAQ, the QLP, the PQ and QS. Several findings emerge from our study, including the notion of predictability, which allows political parties to better plan their electoral process. This predictability also implies the notion of facility in the context where the organization of the entire electoral process is facilitated since everyone knows the date of the poll. It is easier to prepare for the election, easier to recruit candidates or easier to organize budgets. Another contribution of our research concerns the recruitment of candidates from minorities and more particularly women. It has been possible to demonstrate that the notion of predictability gives recruiters time to convince women, for example, to jump into politics. Knowing the date of the election allows them to reserve winning ridings longer before awarding them to a candidate. The question of fairness is also addressed in this brief as the parties working in opposition claim that the party in power loses one of several advantages by being bound by a law which fixes the date of the poll. Our results also show the pre-election campaign is part of political mores in Quebec and that fixed-date voting, although not part of the constitution, is, for the time being at least, appreciated by all political parties.