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My master thesis inspects the phenomenon of anxiety in Samuel Beckett's Endgame. In this thesis, anxiety is seen from the phenomenological perspective . However, the explanation of anxiety by psychology and psychiatry is offered as well, so that more complex understanding is enabled. An analysis of Beckett's play is highly influenced by phenomenology, especially by Martin Heidegger, and also by the daseinsanalysis. In these connotations, we inspect Endgame, especially the situation of characters on the stage and the world of the play itself as a mirroring of the real world. We show that human existence is one of the most significant sources of anxiety, that it is innate to almost every human being from time to time, and that it has a remarkable dramatic potential. Although there is no final explication of Beckett's play, my thesis attempts to get closer to its understanding through the phenomenon of anxiety. As a part of this thesis, the translation of one part of Stanley Cavell's essay called Ending the Waiting Game is included, which tries to explain the meaning of Endgame in a different way.

La présente thèse se penche sur la tentative de transformation des mythes nationaux canadiens par le gouvernement Harper entre 2006 et 2015. La question à laquelle nous souhaitons répondre est : Comment le gouvernement Harper a-t-il cherché à transformer les mythes nationaux canadiens pendant sa décennie au pouvoir? Notre compréhension du concept de « mythe national » est basée sur la théorie des mythes sociaux de Gérard Bouchard (2014). En guise de réponse provisoire à notre question de recherche, nous proposons comme hypothèse que le gouvernement conservateur de Stephen Harper a tenté d’ériger trois mythes nationaux d’orientation conservatrice trouvant leur source dans son interprétation de la guerre de 1812. Le premier mythe est que le Canada est une « nation guerrière » avec un riche passé militaire. Le second est que l’histoire nationale canadienne est longue et remonte à un passé lointain. Le troisième est finalement qu’une part importante de l’identité canadienne correspond à son héritage britannique. L’établissement de ces nouveaux (ou anciens) mythes nationaux s’oppose à l’identité canadienne libérale. Au-delà de l’apparent rapprochement avec les États-Unis opéré par le gouvernement Harper, son récit identitaire prend bien soin de distinguer la nation canadienne de son puissant voisin. Notre étude se concentre sur le bicentenaire de la guerre de 1812, abondamment célébré par les Conservateurs en 2012, pendant l’unique mandat majoritaire du gouvernement Harper. Pour vérifier notre hypothèse, nous analysons une série de documents produits ou financés par le gouvernement canadien dans le cadre de ces commémorations. Notre analyse de contenu permet de mettre en lumière le message véhiculé par les Conservateurs sur l’identité canadienne à partir de cette guerre. Notre étude contribue également dans une plus large mesure à la littérature sur les mythes sociaux et les imaginaires collectifs en proposant une application pratique de la théorie de Bouchard.

Flertalet så kallade radikala högerpopulistiska partier (RHP-partier) har på senare år rönt relativt stora valframgångar runt om i Europa. En förklaring som brukar nämnas är att dessa partier har tonat ned sin ideologi och blivit mindre radikala. Min studie undersökte detta förhållande, huruvida det finns en samvariation mellan grad av radikal högerpopulism och väljarstöd. Leder lägre grad av radikal högerpopulism till ökat väljarstöd? Detta undersöktes med hjälp av en fallstudie av Sveriges ledande RHP-parti – Sverigedemokraterna. Idealtypsanalyser genomfördes av fem sverigedemokratiska parti-/principprogram från de senaste decennierna för att se om graden av radikal högerpopulism i dessa dokument har förändrats över tid. Analysen visade att partiet överlag har blivit allt mindre radikalt högerpopulistiska med åren, samtidigt som partiets väljarstöd har ökat stadigt. Slutsatsen blir därmed att det i det här fallet finns en samvariation mellan grad av radikal högerpopulism och väljarstöd. / <p>2018-06-07.</p>

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-15T21:46:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Mario Biselli 1 .pdf: 13668469 bytes, checksum: 66755536275f09e56e10e3b717f6abce (MD5) Mario Biselli 2.pdf: 29728682 bytes, checksum: 1c1ed412b6a1b9b325973c185ba0c30a (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-04-14 / The thesis focuses in design theory and approaches specifically the parti, or design concept. The way this issue is approached here is profoundly connected to the fact that the author is an architect involved in architectural design since his graduation in 1985. The thesis develops around the characteristics of the parti nowadays. The development is also conducted by acknowledging transformation and expansion around the notion of architectural design and the determination of the parti, wich leads to recognize differences with propositions in the context of the french École des Beaux Arts during 19th century and following developments through the modern period in the turn of the century and 20th century. The thesis establishes its bases in the observation that the formulation of a parti is not conditioned by any methodological proceedings, revealing itself as a eccentric, nonlinear, however central to the design process. The relation between parti and method are therefore widely examined by case studies based on author's professional practice. / Este estudo se insere na temática da teoria do projeto e aborda especificamente o partido arquitetônico. O modo como esta questão é abordada aqui está ligado fundamentalmente ao fato de que o autor é arquiteto atuante em desenvolvimento de projetos de arquitetura desde sua formação, em 1985. O trabalho tem seu desenvolvimento em torno de algumas indagações fundamentais a respeito de como se caracteriza o partido arquitetônico na contemporaneidade. O trabalho também se desenvolve a partir do reconhecimento das recentes transformações dos modos de projetar e da expansão da própria noção de partido arquitetônico, que na atualidade se apresenta notadamente diversa das propostas no âmbito da École des Beaux-Arts francesa durante o século XIX e suas consequentes derivações modernistas, na virada do século e durante o século XX. O estudo se fundamenta na observação de que a formulação de um partido não se submete a nenhum tipo de procedimento metodológico apriorista, sendo antes o aspecto excêntrico, não linear, aparentemente arbitrário e, contudo central dentro do processo projetual. A relação, portanto, entre partido e método é amplamente examinada através de estudos de caso provenientes da prática profissional.

La démarche générale de cette thèse est d’aller étudier le politique ailleurs que dans les oppositions, en explorant les ressorts de l’engagement et les logiques d’action au sein d’un parti hégémonique au pouvoir. A partir d’une enquête de terrain menée au Yémen entre 2008 et 2011 dans différentes sections locales du Congrès populaire général (CPG – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm), j’interroge les pratiques militantes ordinaires et les investissements dont le parti fait l’objet. Le CPG constitue un observatoire privilégié pour interroger l’exercice de la domination – ses modes d’imposition et de contournement – dans un contexte où le régime autoritaire se trouve contesté. Au pouvoir depuis sa création en 1982 et fondé sur l’accommodation historique d’acteurs politiques divers, le parti forme un cadre dans lequel opèrent et se déploient les réseaux de patronage du président Ali Abdallah Saleh (1978-2012). La structure de l’échange politique qui en résulte favorise le développement de dépendances matérielles qui n’excluent pas, si ce n’est entretiennent, des formes multiples d’attachement affectif et idéologique au parti au pouvoir. Je souligne dans cette thèse les ambivalences du soutien au régime autoritaire, l’évolution du régime d’obligations et de contraintes qui en découle, ainsi que l’ambivalence et la réversibilité de l’obéissance et du consentement. Ce travail invite ainsi à interroger les ressorts du fonctionnement et de la résilience d’un régime autoritaire et à dépasser les lectures fonctionnalistes réduisant le parti hégémonique soit à un instrument de reproduction du régime autoritaire, soit à celui de son irrésistible réforme / Contrary to political scientists’ tendency to focus on opposition actors and politics of contention in the Arab world, I study “the political” elsewhere. Built on extensive fieldwork carried out in Yemen from 2008 to 2011, my dissertation explores the motives of commitment, logics of action and everyday forms of activism in a hegemonic ruling party, the General people’s congress (GPC – al-mu’tamar al-sha‘bî al-‘âmm) and in a context where the regime’s authority is contested. The GPC is a great observatory to interrogate the exercise of domination. Founded in 1982, the party has operated as a key apparatus of Ali Abdallah Salih’s authoritarian regime (1978-2012) and a relay for its patronage networks. Far from constituting a homogenous amalgam of president supporters within which discipline is obvious, deep divisions and contradictory logics of action strain the GPC. If its loose structure, the extreme heterogeneity of its members and the elasticity of its political line require the imposition of schemes of domination, they favour in return the expression of indiscipline. In this regard, I study diffuse modes of domination as well as ways to bypass, or even exploit, them. By exploring the dynamics of clientelist politics and politicisation promoted by the party, my dissertation underlines the ambivalences of “participation” and sheds light on the blurry frontier between compliance and resistance, consent and dissent

This study measures and compares the editorial reactions of ten Canadian metropolitan dailies to the FLQ kidnap crisis of 1970, and the specific, important events which occurred within the crisis. Besides comparing the editorial reactions of individual papers, the newspapers are also grouped by language (French and English) and by geographical location, to determine the effect of these two characteristics upon those reactions. The thesis is divided into four chapters, as follows: Methodology, an account of the crisis, the newspapers, and finally the presentation and analysis of the findings. The research method used is content analysis. Five categories are devised, into which are classified the editorial content of the newspapers analyzed. A frequency count method is used, with the theme as recording unit and the paragraph as context unit. Chapter two centers about a short account of the crisis and the selection of important events within the crisis which could be expected to have had some influence upon the editorial reactions of the papers. Chapter three consists of the selection of newspapers to be analyzed, of newspaper characteristics (language and location) which one might expect to have an effect upon editorial reactions, and finally of deferring editorial content for the purpose of this study. The presentation and analysis of findings (Chapter four) is subdivided into two parts-editorial reactions to the entire crisis and editorial reactions to important events within the crisis. It was found that the single greatest determinant of how a newspaper reacted editorially to the crisis was geographic allocation. The papers from Ontario and Quebec put considerable emphasis upon the dangers of excessive reaction by the authorities and upon the need for social reform as a solution to the crisis, whereas the papers from other regions were generally more concerned with the need for law and order. The French papers devoted more editorial space to the crisis than did the English papers but the nature of their reaction was generally similar to that of the English papers of Ontario and Quebec. The French papers greatly increased their editorial content about the crisis after the abduction of Pierre Laporte - the English papers only after the proclamation of the War Measures Act. Before the War Measures Act was proclaimed, all English papers had put a strong emphasis upon the need for law and order. After the proclamation, the English papers of Toronto, Montreal and Ottawa de-emphasized that issue. A summary of the more important findings of the study is presented as a concluding section of Chapter four. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

La recherche menée dans cette thèse se situe dans le cadre global de l’étude des partis politiques au Tchad. Mais, au-delà de l’expérience partisane, notre propos met en évidence la nature même de l’antagonisme partisan. Nous défendons l’idée que l’opposition mobilise et gère mal ses ressources politiques. D’une part, l’offre politique qu’elle propose est idéologiquement faible, peu claire et moins contrastée et, d’autre part, elle développe une stratégie inefficace et incohérente de gestion de ses ressources politiques. Un autre axe majeur de notre réflexion dans cette thèse, défend l’idée que les limites internes ne sauraient suffire à justifier l’impuissance et l’inefficacité de l’opposition. Le parti au pouvoir oeuvre, lui aussi, à affaiblir l’opposition pour ainsi conforter son hégémonie. En effet, dans la compétition politique avec le MPS, l’opposition subit une sorte d’échange inéquitable. De fait, le parti au pouvoir bénéficie d’un avantage comparatif dû à sa position, notamment dans la mainmise sur tout l’appareil d’État, et dans le contrôle absolu qu’il exerce sur les institutions de la République. / The research undertaken in this thesis is situated in the global framework of the study of political parties in Chad. However, beyond the partisan experience, our argument underlines the very nature of the partisan antagonism. We defend the idea that the opposition poorly mobilises and manages its political resources. On one hand, the political offer that the opposition proposes is ideologically weak, unclear and less contrasted; and on the other hand, the opposition develops a inefficient and incoherent strategy to manage its political resources. Another major axis in our reflection in this thesis defends the idea the internal limits would not be sufficient to justify the powerlessness and inefficiency of the opposition. The party in power works to weaken the opposition in order to reinforce its hegemony. In effect, in the political competition with the MPS, the opposition is subject to a sort of inequitable exchange. As such, the party in power benefits from a comparative advantage due to its position, notably in its dominance of all the State apparatus and the absolute control which it exercises on the institutions of the Republic

This essay is a discussion analysis of the public debate regarding the Tiwaz rune and the Helm of Awe through the lens of various groups wanting to interpret the symbols differently through their historical usage. Through analyzing how different people argue for the legitimacy of their interpretation through the symbols’ historical usage they were separated into three groups, the critical, the religious and the cultural, all who want their interpretation to be the prevailing one. The critical group argues that the symbols should be seen as Nazi symbols because of how relatively recent the deeds of the Nazis are to today, and they are used as the means to attack modern Nazi groups through this connection. The religious group instead speak for a more ancient Norse interpretation, they argue that it is media itself that makes these symbols into Nazi symbols not the Nazis and that this interpretation is based on historical ignorance. The cultural group uses the symbols because of their connection to the Norse culture and because of an imagined Viking warrior ideal that will motivate in the modern political struggle. In the essay it is made clear by all groups that it is media that has the power in the negotiation regarding the meaning of these symbols today. But they have entirely abandoned them to groups like the Nordic Resistance Movement and The Swedish Party to make their own.

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