Will it be inevitable that the systems in relating to politics and laws undergoing necessary reforms as the economies have been developing since the opening of reforms in China? How are the systems being reformed? What directions are there for reforms? The above questions are the motives for my study. This doctoral dissertation is divided into eight chapters. An ¡§introduction¡¨ is made in Chapter I which describes motives, purposes , methods and expected results of the study. Chapter II refers to the ¡§Discussion theories of the Electoral System of PCC¡¨. It is necessary to take a closer look at the theories on which the electoral system is based before getting to learn the electoral systems in mainland China. Therefore the four theories including ¡§People¡¦s Democratic Dictatorship¡¨, ¡§Combination of Legislation and Execution¡¨, ¡§Democratic Centralism¡¨, and ¡§Socialism Featured with Chinese Characteristics ¡¨ act as the basis for this study. Chapter III elaborates ¡§the development of the electoral system for pre- PCC period before PRC was established¡¨ First of all, the Farmers¡¦ Association is introduced followed by the electoral system for the representatives for the Meeting of Labor, Farmer and Soldier and the electoral system for Senators. Afterwards, the electoral systems for People¡¦s Representative Conference and Political Consultative Conference are described. In Chapter IV, ¡§the development of the electoral system for PCC after the establishment of PRC¡¨ is detailed. According to the modifications or stipulation of electoral laws in PRC, the development is divided into five stages: a. the period of early political establishment (or called: The Period of First Electoral law), b. transition period (or called: The Period of Second Electoral law), c. reforms in an early period (or called: The Period of First time to modify the electoral law ) d. reforms in a middle period (or called: The Period of Second time to modify the electoral law ), e. period being ruled by law (or called: The Period of third time to modify the electoral law ). Chapter V explains ¡§the transition of electoral system and its association with PCC functions¡¨. Three aspects including legislation, budgeting and auditing as will as arrangements of human resources entitled to PCC are analyzed to prove that the changes of an electoral system indeed influence PCC function. In Chapter VI, ¡§disadvantages of PCC electoral system: an analysis on electoral theories ¡¨ are discussed. The disadvantage of the electoral theories both in China and in the in the occident are analyzed. following discussing that has mainland China found its disadvantages shown from the electoral system? In Chapter VII, This chapter is divided into six sections: ¡§multi-candidate election¡¨, ¡§occupational representation election¡¨, ¡§quota for rural villages¡¨, ¡§proxy voting¡¨, finally, reviews on the Community Party association with electoral system, and also discussing concerning about military and compatriot of Taiwan residing in mainland China. The Conclusions are set forth in Chapter VIII. The findings, suggestions and related consequential studies are raised here. The writer considers that we have to study on the reforms of PCC first so as to further understand the situations of democratization in China. For studying the reforms of PCC, we have to find out what the electoral system of PCC in RPC is. It is expected that the progress of democratization in PRC and possible dilemmas encountered by it may be found in the process of the study.

Dissertation--Berlin--Humboldt-Universität, 2000. / Bibliogr. p. 319-333.

No description available.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of South Carolina, 1995. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 327-334).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1966. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of South Carolina, 1995. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 327-334).

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Texas at Austin, 2007. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references.

Den politiska rapporteringen i Kinas näst största nyhetstidning People’s Daily består enligt resultaten i vår studie nästan uteslutande av det styrande kommunistpartiets helt okritiskt vidarebefordrade propaganda. Journalisterna som skriver för Dagens Nyheter har däremot ett mycket lågt förtroende för den kinesiska regimen som de inte drar sig för att kritisera hårt. Vi fann det intressant att jämföra nyhetsdiskurser i svenska och kinesiska tidningar eftersom mediesystem till synes inte har något alls gemensamt. Vi ville ta reda på vilka eventuella skillnader som fanns i rapporteringen om den kinesiska regimen och vilka de bakomliggande orsakerna i så fall kunde tänkas vara. Artiklar som handlade om de senaste politiska ledarskiftena som publicerats i Dagens Nyheter och People’s Daily valdes därför som material till en kvalitativ analys. Den tidigare forskningen och det teoretiska ramverket som vi använde som stöd till våra reflektioner handlade både om hur ländernas mediesystem fungerar i allmänhet och om hur nyhetsvärderingen ser ut så att vi även skulle kunna analysera artiklarna på detaljnivå. Dagens Nyheter förmedlar alltså en negativ bild av den kinesiska regimen, medan dessa istället glorifieras i People’s Dailys redaktionella material. Det beror antagligen till stor del på att skillnaderna mellan de dominanta politiska ideologierna i länderna i allmänhet och i synnerhet gällande nyhetsmediernas funktioner är markanta. Pressfrihet kännetecknar de svenska medierna, medan de kinesiska motsvarigheterna istället fungerar som kommunistpartiets språkrör. Tidningarna anses från båda perspektiven stå i medborgarnas tjänst eftersom de på sina helt olika vis ska verka för att förbättra samhället.

In December 1972 the Australian government recognised the government of the People's Republic of China (PRC) at the cost of breaking off all official contacts with Taiwan. Despite the initial shock to Australia-Taiwan relations of derecognition, trade contacts between Australia and Taiwan have continued to flourish, and in recent years, political relations between the two have also been improving. This thesis examines reasons behind the recent improvements in Australia-Taiwan relations and ways in which such improvements have been implemented - given the constraints that Australia has no official contacts with Taiwan. With its main focus as trade, this thesis shows that Taiwan's importance to Australia has been slowly evolving such that Taiwan is at present a more important and reliable trading partner to Australia than is the PRC. Improvements have been occurring in Australia-Taiwan political relations, therefore, primarily as a consequence of Taiwan's growing importanée in the Australian marketplace.

Traditional models including the factionalism, professionalism, and the symbiosis models have helped the field for over two decades to study civil-military relations in China. New conditions of the 90s and beyond, however, have required new tools for examining this issue. Approaching China's civil-military relations from multiple approaches to include PLA conservative nationalism is better than using one explanation to understand China's civil-military relations. / text