Submitted by GUSTAVO ERLER PEDROZO null (gu_pedrozo@yahoo.com.br) on 2016-09-05T18:33:53Z No. of bitstreams: 1 PEDROZO. Implicações políticas e econômicas da ascensão chinesa para a América do Sul.pdf: 1945758 bytes, checksum: f6b654467cc8356d8840e9acb9129e02 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-09-09T14:18:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 pedrozo_ge_dr_mar_par.pdf: 572311 bytes, checksum: d98aad00b42c2ceaf9f6757fa59726b9 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-09-09T14:18:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 pedrozo_ge_dr_mar_par.pdf: 572311 bytes, checksum: d98aad00b42c2ceaf9f6757fa59726b9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2016-08-11 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Ao formular seu Novo Conceito de Segurança, a China vinculou diretamente a ideia de segurança à garantia das condições para seu desenvolvimento econômico. Diante da grande acumulação de capital via superávit em transações correntes e necessidades cada vez maiores de matérias-primas, abertura de novos mercados e influência política para estabelecimento de um mundo multipolar, a China lançou-se em um movimento de internacionalização de sua economia. Como estratégia de aproximação com o "mundo em desenvolvimento" os chineses resgataram o discurso do "Espírito de Bandung", em contraposição à tese de uma renovação da dependência ao estilo Norte-Sul. Partindo de uma relação estritamente comercial, os chineses passaram a fornecer capital na forma de investimento estrangeiro direto, financiamentos diversos e programas de ajuda internacional. O momento pareceu propício, uma vez que a ascensão de outras forças “emergentes” alimentou o retorno do debate sobre a Cooperação Sul-Sul. As relações da China com a América Latina não fugiram a esse padrão. Esta pesquisa, pois, questionou em que medida é possível afirmar que as relações entre a China e América Latina podem ser consideradas típicas de um modelo Sul-Sul, ou nos termos colocados pela diplomacia chinesa, que prezam pelo benefício mútuo em oposição a ideia do jogo de soma zero. Para responder à pergunta central da investigação, a abordagem proposta, portanto, buscou elucidar os seguintes aspectos: 1) verificar em que medida a conjuntura deste início de século favoreceu a construção de um regime de cooperação sul-sul e como este possível regime absorveu as alterações econômicas pós-crise de 2008; 2) verificar em que medida as relações chinesas com os demais países em desenvolvimento sob o lema do “benefício mútuo” significam um resgate do espírito de Bandung e podem ser consideradas típicas de uma cooperação sul-sul; 3) por fim, analisar, sob o prisma da cooperação sul-sul para o desenvolvimento, a evolução das relações da China com a região latino-americana, e, particularmente, com a região sul-americana. Sobre o último ponto, utilizou-se um levantamento documental dos principais acordos bilaterais e um levantamento de dados relativos às variáveis comércio, investimentos estrangeiros direto, investimentos patrocinados pelo governo chinês e financiamentos concedidos pelas agências governamentais chinesas. Esta pesquisa, portanto, procurou sustentar que, pelo viés da cooperação sul-sul, a situação chinesa é paradoxal, pois ao mesmo tempo em que o crescimento econômico chinês impele às economias sul-americanas a um padrão de comércio típico das relações Norte-Sul, a manutenção do ambiente internacional favorável aos objetivos chineses faz com que algumas concessões precisem ser feitas. Nesse sentido, sugeriu-se que, embora com limites estruturais, as relações da China com a região sul-americana, mas não na América Latina como um todo, poderiam se estabelecer nos termos da cooperação sul-sul para o desenvolvimento. / When the “New Security Concept” was formulated, the Chinese diplomacy sought to relate the security idea directly with the guarantees for China's economic development. Given the high capital accumulation via current account surplus, the higher needs for raw materials and energy sources, the political requirements for the establishment of a multipolar world, and the seeks for new markets for its exportations, China laid itself in an economic internationalization movement. As part of the strategy of its relations with the developing world, China used the discourse of the “Spirit of Bandung” to opposing the thesis that its ascension could contribute for new dependency relations. If firstly the approximation was based on commercial relations, in the 21th century, the Chinese began to provide capital to the developing world in several forms: foreign direct investment, different credit lines and foreign aid. The moment was propitious, once the emerging powers' rise seemed to feed the debate about south-south cooperation. This research sought to understand the relationship between China and Latin America inside this context. Therefore, we investigated to what extent the relations between China and Latina America can be seen as a south-south pattern or “mutually beneficial”, as the Chinese diplomacy often affirms in its public documents. To answer the central question, we proceeded as follows: 1) we verified in what extent the new century's conjuncture has favored the south-south cooperation regime, and how this supposed regime has assimilated the political and economic context after the 2008 crisis; 2) we verified if the Chinese relationship with other development countries can be classified inside a south-south cooperation definition; 3) we analyzed, under the south-south cooperation concept, the evolution of the relations between China and Latin America, but particularly with the South America. About the last point, this research has used a data collection for bilateral agreements, trade, foreign direct investment, government-sponsored investments and loans provided by Chinese development institutions. This investigation sustains that the Chinese rise has a paradoxical pattern: if the Chinese economic growth impels the South American economies to the north-south pattern of relationship, the maintenance of international environment favorable to the Chinese interests makes with some concessions need to be done. In this way, the results have showed that the relations between China and South America, but not the Latin America as a whole, could occur in the terms of south-south cooperation.

O objetivo do presente trabalho é buscar elementos para se analisar as relações interestreito de Taiwan, a partir da experiência histórica, processos políticos, dados econômicos e estudos securitários. O trabalho está estruturado em cinco seções: uma introdução, três capítulos de desenvolvimento e a conclusão. O primeiro capítulo procurou desenvolver uma perspectiva tanto sincrônica quanto diacrônica, relacionando o efeito da Guerra da Coreia sobre as relações interestreito naquele período. Entende-se que, ainda hoje, as relações interestreito são fortemente influenciadas por aquela conflagração, e, dada a precariedade do armistício, pela mera possibilidade da eclosão de um novo conflito armado na Península. O segundo capítulo foca-se no sistema político taiwanês e sua interface com as relações interestreito, estudandose, dentro das fontes que se pôde inventariar, a evolução do processo político e da construção de Estado em Taiwan. No terceiro capítulo, buscou-se chegar a um meio termo entre as duas perspectivas, enfocando-se a relação interestreito a partir de uma ótica regional. Especificamente, analisam-se o cenário político e estratégico pós-Guerra Fria na Ásia Oriental; o enfraquecimento da integração e o novo quadro estratégico na Ásia Oriental; e a reorientação da estratégia militar dos Estados Unidos, da China e do Japão, procurando-se relacioná-las à questão de Taiwan. Como conclusão, teve de se constatar o predomínio dos constrangimentos sistêmicos – não apenas sobre as políticas nacionais, mas sobre a própria região – no condicionamento das relações interestreito. Entendeu-se que a pouca previsibilidade da evolução desse relacionamento deve-se, em grande medida, ao caráter até certo ponto anormal da passagem da unipolaridade à multipolaridade. / The objective of this study is to find elements to analyze the Taiwan’s cross-strait relations, from the historical experience, political processes, economic data and International Security Studies. The work is divided into five sections: an introduction, three chapters of development and conclusion. The first chapter has sought to develop a perspective both synchronic as diachronic, relating the Korean War's effect on cross-strait relations in that period. It is understood that, even today, cross-strait relations are strongly influenced by that conflagration, and, given the precariousness of the armistice, the mere possibility of the outbreak of a new armed conflict on the peninsula. The second chapter focuses on the Taiwanese political system and its interface with the cross-strait relations, studying, inside sources that could inventorying, the evolution of the political process and the construction of state in Taiwan. In the third chapter, we sought to reach a compromise between the two perspectives, focusing to cross-strait relationship from a regional perspective. Specifically, they analyze the post-Cold War political and strategic landscape in East Asia; the weakening of integration and the new strategic framework in East Asia; and the reorientation of the military strategy of the United States, China and Japan, seeking to relate them to the Taiwan issue. In conclusion, we had to find the prevalence of systemic constraints - not just on national policies but about the region itself - in conditioning cross-strait relations. It was understood that the low predictability of the evolution of this relationship is due largely to the character to a certain point of the abnormal passage from unipolarity to multipolarity.

Orientador: Elisabete Monteiro de Aguiar Pereira / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T08:31:49Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Hello_FernandoAntonio_D.pdf: 1167712 bytes, checksum: a249caed4551bef8d1a6164543cf91a9 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: O presente trabalho aborda uma universidade pública, do ponto de vista administrativo, em seus aspectos de perenidade enquanto instituição e de sustentabilidade enquanto organização, articulando a gestão administrativa, no geral, e a gestão de pessoas, no particular, na Universidade Estadual de Campinas - UNICAMP. Nosso objetivo é estudar, através de uma abordagem de cunho estruturalista, como se articulam o ethos universitário naquilo que tem de característico e predominante em ações, atitudes e sentimentos dos indivíduos ou grupos que compõem essa comunidade, e que marcam suas realizações ou manifestações culturais e de gestão de pessoas, e o modus operandi da universidade, em suas vertentes de produção de conhecimento, saber e ciência, através do ensino, da pesquisa e da extensão, assim como através do estudo de seu planejamento estratégico. Partiremos da contextualização da instituição/organização universidade na conjuntura sócio-econômica e de suas relações de trabalho atuais, passando pelas implicações dessas tendências tanto sobre os novos paradigmas científicos e administrativos como, mais especificamente, sobre a gestão de pessoas, em função das especificidades estruturais do sujeito desejante em suas dimensões subjetivas e profissionais. Mais especificamente, na administração de "recursos humanos", atualmente denominada gestão de pessoas, pretendemos analisar a interação do ethos universitário refletido em seus próprios quadros administrativos e em suas respectivas praxes. Numa organização tão peculiar como a universidade, buscamos entender as políticas e práticas de gestão de pessoas, seus discursos e seus efeitos, tanto tácitos quanto explícitos, tanto "curativos" quanto iatrogênicos, via análise do discurso contido tanto no processo quanto nos produtos e implementações resultantes do Planejamento Estratégico - PLANES - UNICAMP. Para isso utilizaremos o ferramental da teoria psicanalítica, mais especialmente as contribuições de Jacques Lacan em sua elaboração dos Quatro Discursos, mais um: o do Mestre, o Universitário, o da Histérica, o do Analista e mais o do Capitalista. Concluiremos que a gestão universitária, inclusive em seu vetor estratégico e de gestão de pessoas, acabam por compor um controle heterônomo que interfere no ethos universitário, essencialmente definido por nós como "a ética do bemconduzir o bem-dizer". A complexidade da instituição/organização universidade coloca-se, dessa forma, como o determinante de produção e produtividade possíveis, onde qualquer forma de intervenção ou intencionalidade passa pelo quê a estrutura permite do "fazer-sentido", seja enquanto ato ou enquanto articulação significante e formalização de verdades, em seus desdobramentos e em suas implicações epistemológicas do "fazer-ciência". Concluímos que a universidade, dessa forma, se apresenta enquanto instituição/organização cuja essência de modus operandi e de ethos faz confluir, sobrepondo, conhecimento, saber, ciência e práxis, compondo uma nova ética institucional/organizacional que redimensiona, re-articula dialeticamente e implica incisivamente, de forma inovadora do ponto de vista administrativo/gerencial e de gestão de pessoas, o(s) discurso(s) e a(s) prática(s). / Abstract: The present work approaches the public university, by the administrative point of view, in your perenity aspects while institution and in your sustentability while organization, articulating the managerial administration, in general, and the people's administration, in particularly, in the State University of Campinas - UNICAMP. Our objective is to study, through an approach of structuralistic stamp, how it articulates the academical ethos in that it has of characteristic and predominant in actions, attitudes and the individuals or groups' feelings that compose that community, and that mark your accomplishments or cultural manifestations and of people's administration, and the modus operandi of the university, in your slopes of knowledge's production, knowledge and science through the teaching, the research and the extension, as well as through the study of your strategic planning. We will leave of the contextualization of the university institution/organization in the socioeconomic conjuncture and of your current work relationships, going trough the implications of those tendencies on the new scientific and administrative paradigms like, more specifically, on the people's administration, in function of the structural specificities of the desiring subject in your subjective and professional dimensions. More detailled, in the administration of "human resources", now denominated people's administration, we intended to analyze the interaction of the academical ethos contemplated in your own administrative structure and in your respective praxes. In an organization as peculiar as the university, we looked for to understand the politics and practices of people's administration, your speeches and your effects, so much tacit as explicit, so much "curatives" as iatrogenics, through analysis of the speech as much as contained in the process how in the products and implemantations of the Strategic Planning - PLANES - UNICAMP. For that we will use the ferramental of the psychoanalitic theory, more especially Jacques Lacan's contributions in your elaboration of the Four Speeches, and one more: the one of the Master, the one of the University, the one of the Hysterical, the one of the Analyst and the one more of the Capitalist. We will conclude that the academical administration, inclusive in your strategic and people's administration vector, end for composing an heteronomical control that interfers in the academical ethos, essentially defined for us as "the ethics of the well-leading the well-saying". The complexity of the university institution/organization is placed, in that way, as the production and possible productivity's determinant, where any intervention form or intencionality goes by through the what the structure allows of the "makingsense", be while act or be while possible significant articulation and trues' formalization, in your unfoldings and in your epistemological implications of the "making-science". We concluded that the university, in that way, shows itself while institution/organization whose essence of modus operandi and of ethos makes to converges, putting upon, knowledge, know-how, science and práxis, composing the new institutional/organizational's ethics that re-designs, dialetically re-articulates and hardly implicates, in a innovative way of the administrative/managerial and people's administration's point of view, the speech(es) and the practice(s). / Doutorado / Politicas de Educação e Sistemas Educativos / Doutor em Educação

This is a content analysis of the Chinese news paper People’s Daily (Renmin Ribao 人民日报). It examines articles published by the People’s Daily reporting about Sweden in migration contexts between January 1980 and September 2015. The purpose of the project is to investigate changes over time when it comes to agenda-setting, together with which other countries Sweden is mentioned and framing used in the articles. The topics of the articles are listed and a deductive frame analysis is carried out, showing clear signs of changes over time. The data shows that there has been a shift from reporting on international disputes to reporting on Europe’s migration issues. From investigating with which other countries Sweden is mentioned, a conclusion can be drawn that Sweden is portrayed as a country that collaborates with the other European countries to a great extent. The data also shows that there is a low usage of the conflict frame, but a high usage the responsibility- and ­morality frames in the People’s Daily which is evidence of letting the ideology of the authors shine through. The People’s Daily shows signs of political correctness by shifting from a high usage of episodic framing to thematic framing.

La course aux armements navals anglo-allemande fut un des facteurs clés dans le déclenchement de la Première Guerre mondiale. En particulier, les années comprises entre 1906 et 1912 ont vu une compétition intense entre les deux pays dans la construction de vaisseaux de ligne modernes - des croiseurs lourds blindés - après que le Dreadnought fut lancé par les Britanniques. Tant que l'Allemagne n'était pas prête à accepter la suprématie navale britannique et que la Grande-Bretagne ne voulait pas la céder, la compétition dura jusqu'à ce qu'une des deux parties cède par essoufflement économique. L'Allemagne a essayé de traduire son pouvoir économique en force militaire mais échoua à cause de son système de fiscalité moins efficace qu'en Grande-Bretagne. Le fait que le trésor britannique pouvait imposer et augmenter aussi bien des impôts directs qu'indirects tandis qu'en Allemagne seuls les états fédéraux pouvaient le faire, démontre que le système constitutionnel britannique était plus flexible que l'allemand, permettant au gouvernement de Londres de mobiliser plus de ressources financières pour contrer l'Allemagne dans les dépenses navales. / The Anglo-German naval race was one of the decisive factors in the outbreak of World War I. In particular, the years between 1906 and 1912 witnessed an intense head-to-head competition between the two powers in the building of modern capital ships, that is, battleships and large armoured cruisers, after Dreadnought had been launched by the British. So long as Germany was not prepared to accept British naval supremacy and Britain was not prepared to yield it, the competition was bound to go on until economic exhaustion compelled one side to give up. Germany tried to translate its wealth into military power, but the inefficient nature of its taxation system prevented it from doing so. The fact that Britain's Treasury had the power to both levy and increase direct and indirect taxes, while in Germany only state governments had it shows that Britain's more democratic constitutional system meant that London could react to Germany's naval challenge by punishment, mobilizing a greater share of financial resources for naval spending than Berlin.

The objective of this Master's thesis is to analyse the term of "rule of law" and its Chinese variations (fazhi 法治 , fazhi 法制 , yifazhiguo 依法治国 ) since establishment of the People's Republic of China until present, with the emphasis on contemporary understanding of the concept, affected by political environment. The concept of the rule of law is presented throughout analysis of collected works of influential political leaders, namely Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping, Jiang Zemin and Xi Jinping, reflected in official documents crucial to the legal system, such as the Constitution. Each historical period represents a different stance on the conception of rule of law and position of legal system, which results in analysis of current situation with a prospective future attitude to this issue. Keywords: rule of law, constitutional rule, Communist Party of China, China

Magister Legum - LLM / It is within the context of the persistent feminisation of the HIV and AIDS pandemic that this study, based on the normative provisions of the African Women's Protocol, focused on gender, sex and sexuality in the context of HIV and AIDS. The regime of the African Women's Protocol embodies a framework that can be utilised to combat HIV/AIDS amongst women in Africa by addressing some of the most important issues that need to be tackled if women are to live through this epidemic. / South Africa

The development of the People's Republic of China over the last decades is considered being one of the most significant trends in the current international environment. The Czech Republic has also experienced series of political, economical and social changes over the last years. However, the development of the Czech-Chinese foreign relations has not so far reflected these fundamental changes sufficiently. This thesis therefore describes the past development of the Czech-Chinese foreign relations and the development of the foreign policies of both sides and examines options for their mutual cooperation in the future. It is concluded that increased mutual cooperation could be beneficial for both sides for which supporting arguments covering the political and economic fields are presented separately for the Czech Republic and the People's Republic of China. In addition, specific diplomatic, economic and ideological instruments are proposed that might be used by both states in order to intensify the mutual Czech-Chinese foreign relations.

The thesis deals with the issues of economic cooperation between China and the Euroepan Union. Particular emphasis is given to the economic relations which are presented in the results of economic cooperation from 1975 until present. Whereas the mutual relations cannot be almost purely considered as a resultant economic variables, the issue is supplemented by international political questions which are closely related to the issue as well. The observed economic data are used to analyze the strengths and weaknesses of economic relations of China and the European Union and threats and opportunities arising from them.

The diploma thesis deals with the analysis of outward foreign direct investment of the People's Republic of China in Europe in general and with focus on Central and Eastern Europe. This work gives an overview of the main determinants that influence Chinese investor's decision and gives specifics and main features of Chinese FDI. The work also assesses the attractiveness of the CEE region in terms of FDI.