O termo bancada da bala descreve as bancadas suprapartidárias do Legislativo compostas majoritariamente por egressos das forças de segurança, cuja agenda se organiza em torno de temas da segurança pública. Seus membros são associados a uma visão autoritária e repressiva de controle social, aos interesses da indústria armamentista e a uma tensão constante com a política de Direitos Humanos. O sucesso e a articulação política de candidatos com esse perfil são retratados midiaticamente como expressão de uma onda conservadora no cenário político e social brasileiro. No entanto, a estruturação desses grupos não é um fenômeno recente, principalmente para o legislativo paulista que, desde 1987, apresenta grupos de deputados-policiais favoráveis a políticas de mano dura. Buscou-se compreender a estruturação desses grupos, com base em autores da Sociologia da Punição que identificam reconfigurações semelhantes no campo de controle do crime na maioria das democracias contemporâneas (como políticas de contenção contraditórias e ambivalentes, transformações nos discursos oficiais em relação ao crime no sentido de um populismo penal, crescimento dos sentimentos de insegurança e sua instrumentalização pela esfera política e eleitoreira). Investigou-se como essas questões se organizam nos discursos de deputadospoliciais da 18ª legislatura da Assembleia Legislativa de São Paulo, comparando-os aos discursos da chamada bancada da segurança, eleita pela primeira vez na 11ª legislatura. Realizou-se a pesquisa documental sobre as proposições legislativas, sessões e frentes parlamentares mediante a análise do discurso com base no instrumental analítico foucaultiano. Observou-se uma trajetória de continuidade entre os grupos em que a matriz da guerra estende-se para além dos objetos clássicos do penal e do trabalho policial, tornando-se um organizador de mundo pelo qual se definem as fronteiras entre o bem, a legitimidade, a ordem e suas respectivas oposições. O principal desdobramento observado é a maneira como os deputados da 18ª legislatura mobilizam um discurso gerencialista da cidade que se mostra estratégico para o discurso do populismo penal, em que o princípio de tolerância zero é agenciado sobre toda sorte de comportamentos, figuras e atividades presentes nos espaços de grande circulação de pessoas e mercadorias. Conclui-se que a estruturação desses grupos se realiza discursivamente e politicamente, não apenas em relação à identidade policial, pautas corporativas e bandeiras securitizadoras, mas também na forma como esses elementos geram identificação, conferem legitimidade, se combinam e atualizam sensibilidades e representações enraizadas socialmente. Esses elementos acrescem discursos sobre o fenômeno da punição, que, por sua vez, fala à sociedade muito mais do que em termos de crime e castigo: canaliza ansiedades e insatisfações, produz solidariedade, organiza o mundo conforme diferentes territórios morais. Assim, os discursos mobilizados por bancadas da bala possibilitam comunicações com públicos e grupos políticos diversos, reorganizando conservadorismos nos campos político e de controle do crime. / The expression bullet caucus describes supra-party organized groups of legislators composed mostly of former members of police and military forces, whose agenda is built around public security issues. Its members are associated with an authoritarian and repressive vision of social control, as with the interests of the arms industry, and constant tension over human rights policies. The media portrays the success and political articulation of candidates in this profile as an expression of a conservative rise in the Brazilian political and social scene. However, the emergence of these groups is not a recent phenomenon, especially for the São Paulo legislature, which since 1987 has had groups of police-officer-congressmen in favor of hard-hitting policies. We sought to understand the constitution of these groups, based on authors of Sociology of Punishment who identify similar reconfigurations in the field of crime control in most contemporary democracies (such as contradictory and ambivalent containment policies, changes in official discourses on crime towards criminal populism, growing feelings of insecurity, and their instrumentalization by the political and electoral spheres). We investigated how these issues appear in speeches of police-officercongressmen of the 18th legislature of the Legislative Assembly of São Paulo, comparing them to speeches of the so-called security caucus, elected for the first time in the 11th legislature. Documentary research on legislative propositions, legislative sessions, and congressional fronts was carried out using discourse analysis, based on Foucaultian analytical instruments. Continuity has been observed between the two groups, to which the image of war reaches far beyond the classic subjects of criminal law and law enforcement, becoming a world organizer that defines the boundaries between good, legitimacy, order, and their respective oppositions. The main development observed was the way in which congressmen of the 18th São Paulo state legislature resort to a managerial discourse about the city, strategically favoring tendencies of penal populism, which enforces principles of zero tolerance over all sorts of behaviors, figures and activities found in massive people and goods circulation areas. We concluded that the structuring of these groups takes place discursively and politically, referring to police identity, corporate topics and public security causes, and enabling these elements to generate identification, confer legitimacy, and combine and update firmly rooted social sensitivities and representations. These elements add discourses on the phenomenon of punishment, which, in turn, speaks to society much more than in terms of crime and punishment: it channels anxieties and dissatisfaction, produces solidarity, and organizes the world according to different moral territories. The discourses mobilized by bullet caucuses communicate with distinct publics and political groups, reorganizing conservatism in the political and crime control fields.

La garde républicaine, entre 1871 et 1914, corps de gendarmerie atypique, constitue une unité militaire mixte, regroupant des formations à cheval et d’autres à pied, dont le service essentiel est municipal. Les objectifs de cette thèse sont de préciser sa filiation avec les unités qui l’ont précédée, de définir ses spécificités en terme d’organisation, de fonctionnement et d’infrastructures, de décrypter et de disséquer son service intérieur et municipal afin de le confronter à celui des autres régiments de l’armée et légions de gendarmerie, de situer la place de ces « gardiens de la cité » au sein de la gendarmerie de l’époque et de la comparer à celle tenue par notre actuelle garde républicaine.En trois parties, cette thèse détaille successivement :- les composantes de la garde, infanterie et cavalerie, son organisation régimentaire et son administration, ses différents rouages et sa composition, son recrutement, sa symbolique et ses uniformes ;- sa vie quotidienne, sa formation militaire et municipale, ses casernes, sa discipline ;- la police de la voie publique à Paris et les forces qui l’assurent, l’influence du préfet de police sur la garde, ses différents services, son utilisation au maintien et au rétablissement de l’ordre.L’hypothèse de travail est de constater à quel point la garde républicaine de la Belle Époque diffère de l’actuelle garde, si proche d’elle par ses silhouettes, ses représentations, ses traditions, son implantation, si éloignée par son unique vocation de garde présidentielle, protectrice des institutions de la République. / The Republican Guard, between 1871 and 1914, an atypical unit of the French Gendarmerie (military police), is comprised of joint military forces, combining horseback and foot patrols, which is mainly on duty in the city of Paris. The goals of this thesis are to specify its connection to the previously existing units, describe its specific character in terms of organization, operations and infrastructures, to decipher and dissect its domestic and municipal service in order to compare it with that of other French military regiments and Gendarmerie legions, to define the role of these “guardians of the city” within the Gendarmerie of this period and compare it with that of our current Republican Guard.Divided into three parts, this thesis consecutively examines :- the components of the Guard’s infantry and cavalry, its regimental organization and administration, its various inner mechanisms and composition, its recruitment, symbolism and uniforms;- its daily life, military and municipal training, barracks and discipline;- the public roadway police in Paris and the forces which ensure it, the influence of police headquarters on the Guard, its role in maintaining and reestablishing order.The working hypothesis is to show how different the Republican Guard of the Belle Epoque is compared to the current Guard, so similar to it in its shape, performances, traditions, and establishment, so far-removed in its sole purpose of presidential guard, guardian of the French Republic’s establishments.

Thesis (M. A. (Criminology and Criminal Justice)) -- University of Limpopo, 2018 / Vigilantism is a contentious issue that will persist into the future for as long as crime exists. This research aimed at determining community’s perception on vigilantism. The Criminal Justice System has failed community of Matome Village, in the sense that they lost trust and lacked confidence in CJS. Actions involved in vigilantism are not only an expression of people’s anger or frustration but also of their fear. This study adopted both qualitative and quantitative approaches. Probability sampling (Stratified sampling) was used to select participants. For qualitative approach an interview schedule with prearranged questions was conducted and used in both focus group1 and 2 interviews. Focus group 1 consisted of 10 participants, while focus group 2 consisted of 8 participants. For quantitative approach, 80 questionnaires with close-ended and open-ended questions were distributed among community members who took part in the study, and the aim was to get their opinions and experience of vigilantism. The data collected was analysed (thematic content analysis was used) and interpreted by copying exactly words that were said by the participants. The study documented the disadvantages and consequences of vigilantism to fill in the existing gaps of the dangers of vigilante incidents in the literature. Strain theory by Robert Agnew was applied as the suitable theory which best explains why people resort to partake in vigilantism. The research identified factors which contributed mostly to vigilantism, such as: a way of protection and desire for revenge (anger and frustration). KEY WORDS: Vigilantism, Crime, Culprit, Strain, Community participation, Matome Village, Criminal Justice System, Police Officers.

Although many research studies about sexual offender registration exist, there is no qualitative study on the perspective of police officers whose job duties include the implementation of Sex Offender Registration and Notification (SORN) laws. The purpose of this case study was to explore specific police officers' perceptions of sex offender registration. Six police officers were hand selected for face-to-face interviews based on their unique job duties that included responsibilities and training related to the implementation of the sexual offender registration and community notification protocols. Festinger's cognitive dissonance theory provided the theoretical framework for this research study. According to study findings, the majority of the police officers in this study supported sexual offender registration despite the lack of research that supports its effectiveness. Data gathered from conducting face-to face interviews with the identified police officers revealed that 5 out of 6 police officers believed that SORN policies had a positive impact on enhancing community safety, and half of the police officers felt that SORN policies reduced recidivism. All of the police officers in the study called for more formal training and education about SORN. Also, these police officers identified money and human power as barriers to proactive efforts or effective management of the sexual offenders who lived in their jurisdiction. Finally, the police officers in this study suggested the use of specialized officers or the creation of a task force as a method to better address the sexual offenders in the community. Exploring these options could have far-reaching implications for positive social change for the law enforcement community and society as a whole.

There is a lack of female police officer representation in police departments nationwide. Women's position, or lack thereof, in law enforcement is a topic of discussion in many police literature reviews. However, there were minimal studies detailing female police officers' personal experiences in the law enforcement profession. The purpose of this phenomenological study was to describe and understand the perceptions and lived experiences of female police officers, as well as the impact those experiences had on their careers. Female participants from 3 police departments formed the purposive sample that included 8 full-time female police officers. The feminist theory helped to clarify the constructed meanings the women attached to their experiences. In-depth interviews were conducted, and the data analysis was guided by the Stevick-Colaizzi-Keen method. The findings revealed that all of the women pursued law enforcement careers and remained in the profession for reasons similar to what they perceived to be the reasons among the male police officers in their respective departments. The participants also suggested that the perceived intentional institutional barriers did not impact the female police officers' job satisfaction. This study contributes to social change by raising awareness about the current status, concerns, and accomplishments of women in law enforcement. Additionally, findings may assist police administrators and legislators in creating policies and procedures that incorporate the needs of female officers.

A sample of 816 metropolitan police officers in Thailand completed a survey consisting of a set of job characteristics, including job control, support, and job demands, in addition to measures of emotional labour (surface acting and deep acting), and a set of psychological outcomes, to test a proposition based on Karasek and Theorell's (1990) model. 1t was argued that the emotional labour requirements of police officers would act as a moderating factor that would impact adversely on their wellbeing. The survey instruments were translated and back-translated from the original English to Thai, and their psychometric properties were assessed through confirmatory factor analysis. Tests based on validation and cross-validation procedures indicated that the measurement model was valid and reliable. The effects of job characteristics on wellbeing were assessed through canonical correlation and hierarchical moderated multiple regression analyses. Results revealed that deep acting was inversely related to wellbeing, and had a moderating effect on the relationship between job demands and wellbeing/psychological distress. A moderating effect was also detected for surface acting on the relationship between co-worker support and wellbeing. Neither surface acting nor deep acting had a moderating effect on the relationship between job control and wellbeing/ psychological distress. Implications of the results and recommendations for future research are discussed together with methodological limitations of the study.

<p>Denna uppsats berör området förtroendearbetstid, psykosocial arbetsmiljö och specifik arbetstillfredsställelse hos poliser på Ekobrottsmyndigheten.  Enkätstudiens fokus<strong> </strong>avsåg upplevelse av krav, kontroll, belöning, ledarskap och lön relaterat till deltagarnas positiva alternativt negativa inställning till förtroendearbetstid. I undersökningen deltog 101 av EBMs 183 poliser. Sjuttiofem procent av deltagarna ville fortsättningsvis ha förtroendearbetstid. Studien visade att kvinnliga poliser, positiva till förtroendearbetstid, till skillnad från manliga poliser positiva till förtroendearbetstid, upplevde högre kontroll av arbetstakt. Inga signifikanta skillnader förelåg mellan positiv och negativ inställning till förtroendearbetstid avseende krav, belöning, uppmuntrande ledarskap samt rättvist och stödjande ledarskap.</p> / <p>This bachelor thesis is about non-regulated working hours, psychosocial work environment and specific job satisfaction among police officers at the Swedish National Crime Authority. This questionnaire study was focused on experiences of demands, control, reward, leadership and payment and if there were differences in these factors depending on attitudes towards non-regulated working hours. In this survey participated 101 of total 183 police officers. Seventy five percent of the police officers had a positive attitude towards non-regulated working hours. The women with a positive attitude towards non-regulated work hours, unlike the men with a positive attitude, experienced higher control of working pace. There were no significant differences among the groups do to the factors of reward, encouraging leadership or of fair- and supportive leadership.</p>

Thesis (M.A. (Industrial Psychology))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2007.

Denna uppsats berör området förtroendearbetstid, psykosocial arbetsmiljö och specifik arbetstillfredsställelse hos poliser på Ekobrottsmyndigheten.  Enkätstudiens fokus avsåg upplevelse av krav, kontroll, belöning, ledarskap och lön relaterat till deltagarnas positiva alternativt negativa inställning till förtroendearbetstid. I undersökningen deltog 101 av EBMs 183 poliser. Sjuttiofem procent av deltagarna ville fortsättningsvis ha förtroendearbetstid. Studien visade att kvinnliga poliser, positiva till förtroendearbetstid, till skillnad från manliga poliser positiva till förtroendearbetstid, upplevde högre kontroll av arbetstakt. Inga signifikanta skillnader förelåg mellan positiv och negativ inställning till förtroendearbetstid avseende krav, belöning, uppmuntrande ledarskap samt rättvist och stödjande ledarskap. / This bachelor thesis is about non-regulated working hours, psychosocial work environment and specific job satisfaction among police officers at the Swedish National Crime Authority. This questionnaire study was focused on experiences of demands, control, reward, leadership and payment and if there were differences in these factors depending on attitudes towards non-regulated working hours. In this survey participated 101 of total 183 police officers. Seventy five percent of the police officers had a positive attitude towards non-regulated working hours. The women with a positive attitude towards non-regulated work hours, unlike the men with a positive attitude, experienced higher control of working pace. There were no significant differences among the groups do to the factors of reward, encouraging leadership or of fair- and supportive leadership.

This Master thesis analyzes how often the specialists of health care, education and law enforcement are facing suicidal behavior, what is their knowledge and attitude toward suicide and its prevention and possibilities to participate at suicide prevention. Aim: to analyze the attitudes, possibilities and readiness of different specialists towards suicide prevention. Objectives: 1. to assess how often the specialists of health care, education and law enforcement are facing suicidal behavior; 2. to evaluate knowledge and attitudes of specialists of health care, education and law enforcement toward suicide and its prevention; 3. to analyze to possibilities of different specialists to participate in suicide prevention; 4. to submit recommendations to regional community authority for community empowerment in suicide prevention. Methodology: Cross-sectional anonymous questionnaires were used for the survey. The questionnaire consists of 27 questions, including the open and closed type questions. The questionnaires were distributed in the institutions and were collected next day. The data was proceeded and analyzed using statistical data analysis batch SPSS 12,0 The research was made in the randomly chosen institutions; medical institutions of all types and police commissariats of the region. Results: the majority of specialists of health care, education and law enforcement of Rokishkis are facing the suicidal behavior of clients and patients at their work. All specialists admit... [to full text]