A tese busca apresentar uma leitura do livro Da Guerra, do general prussiano Carl von Clausewitz. Tal leitura privilegia os aspectos decorrentes do entendimento de que a guerra faz parte da política e serve para a compreensão das ações políticas como um tudo. O trabalho se vale do conceito de ação política de Bertrand de Jouvenel. Identifica a guerra como uma ação política forte que envolve não somente fortes sentimentos como também um caráter transformador da realidade. O texto busca responder o que significam a lógica e a gramática da guerra, idéia mencionada mas não desenvolvida por Clausewitz. Valendo-se do entendimento de que a lógica da guerra pertence à política e que esta orienta a condução da guerra em suas manifestações específicas, mostra-se como a guerra e a políticas têm aspectos em comum, principalmente no que se refere às ações políticas fortes, como as revoluções. Por fim, a tese explora o tema da gramática da guerra, referente às suas diferenças em relação à política, notadamente identificada com os aspectos ligados à violência, que não se faz presente necessariamente em todas ações políticas / This thesis aims to present a reading of Prussian general Carl von Clausewitzs book, On War. Such reading emphasizes the theorical consequences from the understanding that war is part of politics and suits the explanation of all political actions. This works bases on Bertrand de Jouvenels political action concept. It identifies war as a strong political action that involves strong feelings and passions and a changing nature of reality. The present text aims also to explain the meaning of logic and grammar of war, a Clausewitzs idea that was not well explained. Taking into account that the logic of war belongs to politics and this one guides the conduct of war in its especifical manifestations, the author seeks to show how war and politics have several points in common. This can be observed mainly in strong political actions, such as revolutions. Lastly, it deals with grammar of war, concerned to differences with politics. These differences point to elements that are identified with violence, an issue that is not always present in all political actions

The pronunciamiento was a political practice with its origins in early nineteenth-century Spain. It was a form of political petitioning usually undertaken by coalitions of military and civilian actors to make demands against regional and national governments and negotiate political change. The petitions were generally accompanied with the threat of the use of military force should the demands not be met. As such, pronunciamientos have been defined by Will Fowler as “forceful negotiations.” The pronunciamiento developed as a political practice in a context of institutional disarray and contested legitimacy as a response to the constitutional crisis in Spain (1812-1820), and it became a particularly popular political tool in early independent Mexico (1821-1876) in a context in which successive governments experimented with new political systems. The fact that the institutions these governments created needed to acquire a political legitimacy that was stable enough to replace that of the Ancien Regime would prove problematic. It would be this context of uncertain legitimacies that would allow the pronunciamiento to develop a legitimacy of its own. It was an extra-constitutional, subversive form of political participation. It was used as a last resort by political actors who believed that, in the particular circumstance of having constitutional routes closed to them or of the government having broken the social pact, they had a right to insurrection to protect the people from the abuses of unjust or tyrannical government. As it developed in early independent Mexico, the pronuciamiento became one of the most used practices for effecting political change. Pronunciamientos were used at one time or another by political actors of all social classes and political persuasions. They preceded most of the major political changes of the period on both a regional and national scale, be they changes in government, the introduction of new laws or a change of political system. Pronunciamientos have often been referred to in the historiography of early independent Mexico as military revolts or coups. The pronunciamiento has thus been seen as a cause of instability and evidence of praetorianism in the political life of nineteenth-century Spain and independent Mexico. However, recent and current research on the subject, including the project at the University of St Andrews “The Pronunciamiento in Independent Mexico 1821 – 1876” of which this PhD is a part, has resulted in a revision of this narrow view of pronunciamientos as revolts and coups. The project and its affiliated researchers have developed a picture of the pronunciamiento as a political practice which was much more intimately involved with the newly developing constitutional institutions than previously thought. This PhD is a contribution to that revision which uses regional history to analyse the nature and evolution of the pronunciamiento. It is a study of the dynamics of and political actors involved in pronunciamientos in the state of Jalisco in western Mexico between 1821 and 1852. Jalisco in the early national period was a geopolitically important state and a popular place from which to launch pronunciamientos. Many political actors from within and without the state chose to launch pronunciamientos from Jalisco some of which had a significant impact on regional and national politics. To date there has been no thoroughgoing study of the phenomenon of the pronunciamiento as it developed in Jalisco. This analysis of the pronunciamientos which took place in Jalisco shows that pronunciamientos were used by all political actors to effect political change and had a very real effect on the lives of those directly involved as well as those of the general public who witnessed pronunciamientos on the streets of their towns and cities. It shows how pronunciamientos became closely interconnected with the newly developing constitutional institutions and how, while most pronunciamientos were recognized by all political actors as potential bearers of instability, the pronunciamiento was also considered to be a legitimate form of political participation given the extraordinary circumstance of a lack of recognised or legitimate government. The research demonstrates that pronunciamientos launched in Jalisco had a central part to play in the development of the new political order in the “age of democratic revolutions” and during the transition Mexico underwent from having a traditional corporate society and polity to acquiring a modern liberal one. The findings of this study provide an insight into the way in which political culture developed in Jalisco in the early national period. Alongside regional studies into the pronunciamientos launched in the San Luis Potosí and Yucatán in a similar period carried out by Kerry McDonald and Shara Ali, this research helps to develop a picture of how Mexican pronunciamientos worked at a local level allowing for more accurate generalisations to be made regarding the pronunciamiento as a practice on a national scale. The study also contributes to an understanding of how politics worked in Mexico in periods of institutional disarray, uncertain legitimacy and political transition and how insurrectionary political forms became legitimised.

Growing inequity and political polarization necessitate organized political action capable of challenging large-scale, globalized power. Political projects around the globe, and certainly in America, that aim to shift power relations have become synonymous with projects of building allies. Others—people of color, queers, and women—have long formed political alliances in order to build movements that contest hegemonic power. Others have formed these alliances (with various allies) along the lines of political ideology. Increasingly, with the growing influence of identity politics overshadowing class politics, identity plays a key role in shaping who takes part in political action. The role of an “ally” has also followed this pattern, allowing non-marginalized subjects to claim a “good ally” identity, despite lived experiences that share struggle with Others. However, ally-ship is a project of life-long work that engages various forms of anti-oppression work and is rooted in a process of what Paulo Freire terms “conscientization.” Using Freire’s concepts, principals of “the ethics of care philosophy,” and qualitative interviews, this research examines why allies are important to liberation projects of marginalized groups, specifically queers. The individuals interviewed for the research each have extensive experience educating others in the process of building allyship. The research analyzes their unique approaches along with other programs centered on the process of ally building to highlight the most successful methods. The research explores the differences in ally-ship with and affirmation of Others; complicates the projects of non-oppressive groups versus anti-oppressive groups; and examines the process of ally building. Based on the data and information gathered from qualitative interviews and literature, a framework is created that outlines the processes necessary in allyship building. The findings of the research illustrate the benefits of allies to Others in the fight for equality and demonstrate how an individual can work towards becoming an ally to these groups. In short, this research illustrates Freire's concepts of education for “critical consciousness” as it is applied to allies and the necessary action against oppressive agents.

There is a great deal of work on campaign finance at the national level, however, state level research is sparse. My dissertation fills this void in the literature by examining the motivations of contributors to state legislators. The literature discusses two major motivations of contributors universalistic contributors, who hope to influence election outcomes, and particularistic contributors who hope to influence legislative votes. The primary hypothesis is that proximity to the general election is the primary factor in explaining contribution patterns in state legislatures; however, proximity to a legislative vote of interest to the contributor will also be significant in explaining contribution patterns. Additionally, the dissertation examines the impact of session limits on contribution patterns. I use campaign contribution data collected by the National Institute on Money in State Politics and select twenty-five bills in nine states to test the primary hypothesis. I use a contributor fixed effects model to test for increased or decreased levels of contributions for each contributor, given the proximity to the election and legislative votes important to the contributor. The results indicate that contributions increase across all states in the two months prior to the general and primary elections, and that proximity to the election is the most important factor in explaining campaign contributions in state legislatures. In 32% of all cases in the study, there was direct evidence of interest groups attempting to influence the outcome of legislative votes. Additionally, an increase in contributions close to a major legislative vote occurred in 77% of the cases without session limits, indicating that interest groups are highly active in attempting to influence policy outcomes. An additional examination of contribution patterns indicates that PACs shift their contributions to the beginning of the legislative session when faced with session limits. My research contributes to our understanding of the motives of campaign contributors and their actions when faced with legal restrictions on their contributions. This research, therefore, allows campaign finance reformers to make better reform decisions.

In the 21st century, this planet has experienced an explosion of social movements and protests. From the Arab Spring to the Occupy Movement, global protests had become such a prominent feature of the first decade of the new millennium that Time Magazine named the protester as its person of the year in 2011. This project examines the relationship between social theory and political practice in an attempt to gain further insight into contemporary social movements. In particular, it examines the theoretical assumptions underlying the Occupy Movement in the United States and compares these assumptions with 19th century individual and collective anarchist theories, as well as with contemporary theories that have taken the postmodern turn.

[pt] O trabalho em questão visa analisar o papel dos advogados populares junto ao avanço dos movimentos sociais no Brasil. Estes profissionais ganharam relevo com as transformações da Carta Constitucional de 1988 e seus efeitos na emergência de novos sujeitos e novos direitos na seara política. Também, o fenômeno da judicialização da política, vem demarcando, a cada dia, o Direito como um acirrado campo de disputas e lutas simbólicas pelo monopólio de tradução e atuação das causas e repertórios (capital social), lutas que transbordam nos demais campos sociais (político, cultural, etc.), ressignificando o papel destes agentes e suas visões/ projetos de sociedade, e das bandeiras de luta dos movimentos sociais. Buscar-se-á entender quem são estes atores jurídicos, quais suas estratégias de atuação, como estabelecem o diálogo com os movimentos sociais e por fim, como constroem um perfil de militância profissional que tem como eixo o compromisso político e ético que norteia seu ativismo. Para tanto refletiremos a contribuição das dimensões da utopia e da tradição messiânica do romantismo revolucionário nas identidades do advogado popular como catalisador de uma ação política cercada de ideais de Justiça e projetos emancipatórios. / [en] The dissertation seeks to analyze the role of popular lawyers with the advancement of social movements in Brazil. These professionals attained relevance with the transformations of the Constitutional Charter of 1988 and its effects on the emergence of new subjects and new rights in political matters. Also, the phenomenon of judicialization of politics, has been pivotal in making the law as a fierce battleground and symbolic struggles for the monopoly of translations and actions in the causes and repertoires (social capital), such struggles, which overflow in other social fields (political, cultural, etc.), redefining the role of these agents and their society projects and views, and rallying points of social movements. This work shall seek to understand who are these legal actors, what are their strategies of action, how they establish dialogues with social movements and finally, how they build a professional profile of militancy that is centered on the political and ethical commitments that guides their activism. To do so, this essay shall think the contribution of the dimensions of both utopian and the messianic tradition at the romanticism in the popular lawyer identities as a catalyst for political action surrounded by ideals of justice and emancipatory projects.

A invenção e popularização do uso do computador e da internet a partir da segunda metade do século XX vieram acompanhadas de uma cultura da colaboração, liberdade de expressão e autogoverno. Na medida em que as novas mídias, em especial os videogames e as redes sociais, marcados pela interatividade, participação e colaboração, foram incorporadas pela sociedade, passamos a testemunhar a transmissão desta cultura do mundo digital para o nosso cotidiano do mundo real. Este trabalho busca apresentar a trajetória do desenvolvimento dos computadores e videogames ressaltando a filosofia hacker que os criou e a dicotomia entre seus ideais libertários e sua apropriação pelos meios corporativos, dando especial atenção à sua associação com movimentos sociais que culminaram no ciberativismo moderno e suas vertentes. Esta apresentação serve de base para o estudo do caso do Projeto Jogo Justo, uma ação coletiva com uso da internet que buscava a criação de uma política favorável à indústria de videogames no Brasil, sua relação com ações políticas tradicionais e com o ciberativismo, questionando sua viabilidade caso a Internet não existisse, compreendendo-a como uma nova forma de ação política através do uso de ferramentas de Internet e fruto desta nova cultura colaborativa. / The invention and popularization of the use of computers and the internet from the second half of the twentieth century was accompanied by a culture of collaboration, freedom of expression and self-government. While new media, especially video games and social networks, marked by interactivity, participation and collaboration, were merged into the society, we begun witnessing the transmission of this culture from the \"digital world\" for our everyday \"real world \". This paper seeks to present the history of the development of computers and video games emphasizing hacker philosophy who created it and the dichotomy between his libertarian ideals and its appropriation by the corporate media, with special attention to its association with social movements that culminated in the modern cyberactivism and its variations. This presentation serves as a basis for the case study Projeto Jogo Justo (Project Fair Play), a collective action using the internet seeking the creation of a policy favorable to the video game industry in Brazil, its relationship to traditional political action and cyberactivism, questioning their viability if the Internet did not exist, understanding it as a new form of political action through the use of Internet tools and fruit of this new collaborative culture.

Dans cette thèse, l’auteur prolonge une intuition présente dans la conception arendtienne du jugement politique et selon laquelle « quand on juge, on juge en tant que membre d’une communauté ». A rebours d’une certaine image de la communauté, les réflexions d’Arendt sur le jugement invitaient non seulement à envisager du commun là où il n’y en avait a priori pas mais surtout à concevoir la notion de communauté comme un concept aspectuel et comme une pratique politique perspectiviste. Aussi, cette thèse cherche-t-elle à déployer une représentation synoptique de la notion de communauté, c’est-à-dire à faire l’expérience du concept de communauté sous différents aspects. Pour ce faire, l’auteur s’intéresse, dans une première partie, aux sens en usage de la notion de communauté dans des travaux théoriques aussi différents que ceux de John Rawls, Alasdair MacIntyre, Chantal Mouffe et Jacques Rancière. La seconde partie de ce travail vise quant à elle d’une part, à prolonger la tentative de clarification du concept de communauté et, d’autre part, à éprouver l’hypothèse selon laquelle activité et participation commune au jugement sont créatrices de communauté. Les topoï retenus, des topoï juridiques, se focalisent précisément sur ces moments où l’image de la communauté, où l’idée même d’une chose commune en partage, devient problématique. Situations de krisis, au double sens du terme c’est-à-dire de crise et de décision, situations à la frontière du droit et de la politique, situations limites au point d’intersection entre communauté et extranéité, ils sont autant d’exemples de la possibilité de conjuguer ensemble division et communalité. / In this dissertation, the author draws on Hannah Arendt’s theory of judgment in exploring what it means to judge “as a member of a community”. At odds with a certain picture of community, Arendt’s reflexions on judgment pointed not only to the problem of forming a community among people who have lost what they had in common but also to the possibility of considering the notion of community as both an aspectual concept and a perspectivist political practice. Thus, this dissertation brings to light a perspicuous representation of the notion of community. In other words, it seeks to help us experience new and different aspects of the concept of community. To access those aspects of community, we need access to ways of thinking about and using community that allow for meaningful engagement and critical reflection. In a first part, the author seeks insight about community from four thinkers from different theoretical backgrounds. In a second part, the author tries to show that alternative pictures of the concept of community exist. The criterion used to select these alternative examples is their usefulness in illuminating some aspect of community, thereby contributing to a perspicuous representation of the concept. The examples, which are all borrowed from the legal sphere, focus mainly on moments when the picture of community and the idea of something in common become puzzling. Krisis situations, borderline cases (Grenzsituation) between law and politics, between community and extraneity, they are all examples of the possibility of bringing together division and communality.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of California, San Diego, 1999. / Vita. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 226-244).

Thesis (M.A.)--University of Wisconsin--Madison, 1969. / eContent provider-neutral record in process. Description based on print version record. Includes bibliographical references.