[pt] Essa tese é resultado da observação crítica sobre as mudanças de experiências e reflexões teóricas, que o próprio autor realizou, durante o período de sua formação acadêmica. Explorou-se também o vínculo entre as experiências de produção e recepção de diversos bens culturais, testemunhadas em várias circunstâncias sociais. Desta maneira, diferentes paradigmas teóricos foram analisados na tentativa de compreender como a recepção e produção de bens culturais podem provocar contatos culturais entre contextos diversos, na complexidade do mundo contemporâneo. Devido ao caráter teórico e autobiográfico do trabalho, esta tese fundou-se no diálogo entre as referidas perspectivas teórico-metodológicas: o conceito de rizoma é deslocado de seu contexto, no pensamento de Gilles Deleuze e Félix Guattari, para confrontar-se com as visões pós-estruturalista, construtivista e sistêmica de Niklas Luhmann e Siegfried Schmidt, com o objetivo de dar conta da dimensão política das ações de sujeitos envolvidos em práticas culturais e no trânsito entre vários sistemas sociais. / [en] This dissertation is the consequence of a critical observation of the changes of direction in the author`s theoretical reflections, in the course of his academic life. In it, he explored the link between the experiences of production and reception observed in social situations according to different theoretical paradigms, in an attempt to understand how the reception and production of cultural products can create cultural contacts between many contexts in the complexity of the contemporary world. For reason of character, theoretical and autobiographical, this work bases itself on the dialogue between the following theoretical and methodological perspectives: the concept of rhizome as the dislocation of one`s context in Gilles Deuleze and Félix Guatarri`s thought, and also in light of the post-modern, constructivist and systemic view of Niklas Lhumann and Siegfried Schmidt. The objective is to understand the social dimension of actions by subjects that are involved in cultural practices and in the crossing to of many social systems

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O período entre 2009 e 2012 foi considerado um marco na história das pessoas com autismo no Brasil, devido à sanção da Lei Federal n 12.764, no dia 27 de dezembro de 2012, que reconheceu os autistas, para todos os efeitos legais, como pessoas com deficiência. A tomada da deficiência como instrumento político-identitário caracterizou, assim, novos rumos da luta por direitos. A partir da análise de diferentes estratégias de atuação política desenvolvidas por três grupos de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), este trabalho discorrerá acerca de suas principais demandas e alegações. A escolha destes três dispositivos associativos é justificada por suas respectivas coordenações, exclusivamente, atribuídas a pais e familiares de autistas, além do reconhecimento nacional de suas participações na formulação de projetos, leis e eventos relacionados ao espectro. Portanto, esta dissertação pretende responder às seguintes questões: a) quais processos e motivações permitem que uma questão privada (ter um filho autista) se transforme em uma questão pública? b) como se agrupam, quais são e a quem se dirigem suas reivindicações? c) quais expectativas, estratégias e tensões estão envolvidas no movimento dos movimentos sociais do autismo? Além de entrevistas com informantes qualificados, a metodologia de pesquisa envolveu observação participante em passeatas, audiências públicas, palestras e celebrações de datas comemorativas, como o Dia Mundial da Conscientização do Autismo. No entanto, a maior parte do trabalho etnográfico se concentrou no município de Volta Redonda, onde, há quinze anos, foi fundada a APADEM, caso paradigmático de atuação política de pais de autistas no Estado do Rio de Janeiro. Por meio da parceria entre sociedade civil e poder público, atualmente, Volta Redonda detém três legislações municipais direcionadas ao autismo e uma gama de serviços especializados. Por fim, ao apresentar como os três grupos de pais de autistas configuram a politização da experiência da deficiência, esta dissertação pretende contribuir academicamente com os campos dos novos movimentos sociais e dos estudos sobre deficiência, ambos de grande potencial heurístico, mas ainda pouco explorados no Brasil. / The period between 2009 and 2012 was considered a landmark in the history of autistic people in Brazil, due to the enactment of the Federal Law 12.764, on December 27, 2012, which recognized autistics, for all legal purposes, such as people with disabilities. The use of disability as a political and identity tools has defined new directions of "struggle for rights". From the analysis of different strategies of political action undertaken by three groups of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro (APADEM, Mundo Azul e Pelo Direito dos Autistas), this work will discuss about their main demands and claims. The choice of these three associative devices is justified by their respective coordinators exclusively attributed to parents and families of autistic, and also the national recognition of their participation in the formulation of projects, laws and events related to the spectrum. Therefore, this master thesis aims to answer the following questions: a) what processes and motivations allow a private matter (having an autistic child) become a public issue? b) how they group together, what are their claims and whom they are addressed? c) what expectations, strategies and tensions are involved in the "movement " of autism social movements? In addition to interviews with qualified informants, the research methodology involved participant observation in demonstrations, public hearings, lectures and commemorative dates, such as the World Autism Awareness Day. However, most of the ethnographic work was focused on the city of Volta Redonda, where fifteen years ago, was founded APADEM, paradigmatic case of political action of parents of autistic in the State of Rio de Janeiro. Through the partnership between civil society and government, Volta Redonda currently holds three municipal laws directed to autism and a range of specialized services. Finally, when presenting how the three groups of parents of autistic configure the politicization of the experience of disability, this dissertation aims to contribute to the academic field of new social movements and disability studies, both of great heuristic potential, but still little explored in Brazil.

[pt] O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a liberdade e a ação política no pensamento de Hannah Arendt, adotando como ponto principal a sua obra A condição humana. Analisa-se as condições humanas do trabalho, obra e ação, buscando, assim, compreender o papel da liberdade política na contemporaneidade diante da emancipação do trabalho e da vitória do animal laborans. / [en] The present work aims to analyze freedom and political action at the thought of Hannah Arendt, mainly by adopting The human condition as central reference. We analyze the humans conditions of labor, work and action, seeking thereby to understand the sense of political freedom in the contemporary face of emancipation of labor and the hegemony of animal laborans.

O movimento estudantil teve um importante papel no cenário brasileiro entre 1964 e 1984, pois lutou intensamente contra as arbitrariedades cometidas pela ditadura no âmbito político, social, econômico e educacional. Para demonstrar a relevância deste movimento, bem como elaborar uma análise aprofundada da atuação dos estudantes nesse período, este trabalho - embasado na literatura, em textos e depoimentos - procura apresentar a história do movimento estudantil das universidades públicas durante a ditadura civil-militar, com ênfase em São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro e Minas Gerais, estados que reúnem a maior parte dos episódios envolvendo os estudantes nesses 20 anos de autoritarismo. O resgate histórico mostra que o movimento estudantil brasileiro vivenciou 4 fases distintas entre 1961 e 1984: liberdade, resistência, silenciamento e retomada. Essa divisão, portanto, evidencia que o Brasil passou por diferentes momentos políticos durante a ditadura e isso se refletiu na atuação dos estudantes, que também foi diferenciada em cada uma dessas fases, acompanhando as transformações políticas do país. / The student movement played an important role in Brazil during the 1964-1984 period, mainly for the intense struggle against the military dictatorship\'s actions, regarding the political, social, economical and educational spheres. In order to present the importance of this movement, and to analyze the students\' role during those years, this work based on political literature, bibliographical review and personal statements to describe the history of this public universities student movement during the civil-military dictatorship period, focusing the events on those two decades, which were mostly located in the States of São Paulo, Rio de Janeiro and Minas Gerais. There are four different phases along 1961 and 1984: freedom of expression, resistance, silence and retake. This division shows that Brazil was under different political moments during the dictatorship period, and the student movement reflects the political circumstances of them.

<p>  </p> <p>This dissertation is a series of articles that put Hannah Arendt’s political thought in conversation with current social and political phenomena, namely the refugee crisis, political action under the circumstances of oppression, and the neoliberal turn in feminism.</p> <p>My first chapter joins the contemporary Arendt scholarship that parallels her account of the refugee condition and the current global refugee situation. I first analyze the image of human rights and plurality in <em>The Origins of Totalitarianism</em> and discuss the cosmopolitan response to the issues raised by Arendt. I then argue that <em>The Human Condition </em>offers an opening for a new understanding of Arendtian action that is not tied to traditional citizenship and will thus be more accommodating of refugees.</p> <p>My second chapter explores the possibility of Arendtian political action under oppression. I offer an analysis of Arendt’s separation of society versus politics and point out the limitation that this distinction places on what forms of action count as properly political. I then argue that in order to overcome this restriction, Arendt needs to recognize that 1) for marginalized groups, navigating both the social and political obstacles involves sacrifices that constitute political action, and 2) our discriminated against identity can become an instrument of political action.</p> <p>My third chapter offers an Arendtian analysis of neoliberal feminism. I begin by identifying three main ways neoliberal feminism strips the feminist movement of its collective, egalitarian, and emancipatory character. I then introduce Arendt’s account of modern capitalist labor, exclusive and inclusive solidarity, and individual self-transformation in the face of systemic obstacles. I use these Arendtian concepts to point out flaws in neoliberal feminism and offer an alternative that promotes the liberatory goals of the feminist movement. </p>

[pt] O presente trabalho discute a polêmica visão de Hannah Arendt relativa ao papel ocupado pela dimensão social no processo político contemporâneo. Arendt insurge-se contra a corrente articulação entre o social e o político, que instrumentaliza a prática política reduzindo-a a uma atividade secundária e, consequentemente, alienante. Essa visão de Arendt encontra fortes contrapontos em diversos pensadores da filosofia política que serão aqui tratados, com destaque para Jürgen Habermas e Seyla Benhabib. Para uma adequada compreensão da polêmica, três pontos são de fundamental importância: o conceito de distinção no pensamento de Arendt; sua teoria de ação política (oriunda da práxis aristotélica); e, finalmente, sua concepção de modernidade. / [en] The present dissertation discusses the Hannah Arendt s polemic vision of the role of social dimension in the current political process. Arendt claims that the ongoing way to articulate these two dimensions, leads to an instrumentalization of the political sphere which reduces it to a secondary role and therefore increases the process of alienation. This vision meets strong reactions by several scholars, who will be discussed herein, highlighting Jurgen Habermas and Seyla Benhabib. For a proper understanding of the subject, three issues are of paramount importance: the concept of distinction in Arendt s thinking; Arendt s theory of political action (from Aristotelian praxis); and the Arendt s idea of modernity.

No description available.

Nas primeiras décadas do século XX, inicialmente em Viena, depois em Berlim, na busca pela profilaxia da neurose, o psicanalista austro-húngaro Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) militou por transformações sociais. Este estudo focaliza a relação entre ação política e formação da consciência de classe no pensamento de Reich. Tendo por base formulações do historiador Dominick LaCapra, especialmente sobre contextualização e repetição variada, e utilizando o livro de Reich O que é a consciência de classe?, de 1934, como ponto de partida genealógico, foram analisados textos reichianos publicados entre 1926 e 1934. Os resultados indicaram que a proposta de militância política reichiana, afinada com o otimismo leninista e social democrata da virada do século XIX para o XX, pressupôs a capacidade natural revolucionária das massas e a necessidade de um processo recíproco de educação entre as massas e a direção revolucionária sem o qual a revolução não aconteceria / In the first decades of the twentieth century, first in Vienna, then in Berlin, in the search for prophylaxis of neurosis, Austro-Hungarian psychoanalyst Wilhelm Reich (1897-1957) campaigned for social transformations. This study focuses on the relationship between political action and class consciousness formation in Reichs thought. Based on historian Dominick LaCapras formulations, especially about contextualization and varied repetition, and using the book Reich What is class consciousness?, 1934, as a genealogical point of departure, reichian texts published between 1926 and 1934 were analyzed. The results indicated that the political activism proposed by Reich, aligned with the Leninist and social democratic optimism in the turn of the nineteenth to the twentieth century, assumed the revolutionary natural ability of the masses and the need for a reciprocal process of education among the masses and the revolutionary direction without which the revolution would not happen

Many causes have been proposed for the transition to agriculture but how can archaeologists debate rival interpretations of the record with a seat-of-your-pants theoretical methodology? Truth is a concept that has been the subject of considerable thought and analysis by philosophers for millennia and is a conceptual resource that archaeologists can draw on. The aim of this thesis is twofold. Firstly, the aim is to study the epistemological criteria used in the formulation and assessment of archaeological knowledge: bringing new understanding of knowledge formation in archaeology and how to deal with competing interpretations of the past (specifically with political and ethical ramifications). The second aim is to assess these epistemological criteria and position them in light of the literature on philosophical theories of truth. The focus of this thesis is on the justification project which attempts to identify a characteristic which is possessed by most true propositions and not possessed by most false propositions. In other words, what it is that makes certain statements about the past 'true' or 'not true'. The aim is to understand how archaeological claims about the past come to be made and against what grounds these claims are justified. Three angles are used to answer the aims of this thesis. Firstly, looking at archaeological interpretation in the field, the case study of Çatalhöyük in Turkey is used to track interpretation from excavation through to publication. Secondly, looking at justification in larger syntheses of the past, different explanations for the emergence of agriculture in Britain are explored to understand how justification works at this level of archaeological interpretation, especially when dealing with multiple explanations. Finally, the ethical and political consequences of archaeological justification are discussed. Given the acceptance that there are different interpretations of the past beyond solely the archaeologists, how does justification work in archaeology when we include other interpretations of the past and when concerns shift away from reaching the most justified account of the past, to the practical ramifications of that knowledge? This thesis original and novel contribution is in answering these aims. In the next chapters it will be argued that archaeological justification works within a specific model of justification based on correspondence and coherence. Justification shifts as interpretation moves away from the archaeological record; there is a heavier reliance on abductive reasoning. Multiple interpretations are a product of abductive reasoning and due to the adoption of different theoretical stances. Archaeology fits within a pragmatist theory of truth showing that ethical and political issues are part of the process of justification.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:23:05Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Maira Kubik Taveira Mano.pdf: 809972 bytes, checksum: 43402c188ce66d0d82e030643197f549 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-04-05 / This dissertation supports the hypothesis that the mainstream media covers with prejudice direct political actions led by women member of the dominated classes. There is a double prejudice: of gender and social class. To corroborate this hypothesis, we analyzed the reports in the newspapers Folha de S. Paulo and O Estado de S. Paulo during the protests of the International Women's Day between 1985 and 2006, with special attention the last one, where 2.000 women from Via Campesina occupied an area of Aracruz Celulose in Barra do Ribeiro (RS, Brazil). The publications were considered private apparatus of hegemony within the boundaries of Antonio Gramsci s theory / Essa dissertação defende a hipótese que a grande imprensa cobre de maneira preconceituosa as ações políticas diretas protagonizadas por mulheres integrantes das classes dominadas. O preconceito é duplo: de gênero e de classe social. Para corroborar com essa hipótese, analisamos as notícias publicadas nos jornais Folha de S.Paulo e O Estado de S. Paulo por ocasião dos protestos do Dia Internacional das Mulheres entre 1985 e 2006, com atenção especial para este último, em que 2 mil mulheres da Via Campesina ocuparam uma área da empresa Aracruz Celulose em Barra do Ribeiro (RS). As publicações foram consideradas aparelhos privados de hegemonia nos marcos da teoria de Antonio Gramsci.