This thesis answers the question how and why do individuals specialise in different types of political participation? By examining the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation, or spread them out across many. This thesis complements previous research on rates of political participation; and adapts and extends existing theories of political participation to explain differences in the degree of specialisation between different groups in society and between countries. Using data from the European Social Survey, covering as many as 21 European countries, and applying a range of different statistical methods, I distinguish four types of political participation: voting, conventional and unconventional political participation and consumer politics. I show that in countries with higher levels of socio-economic development, more democratic experience, and an increased presence of mobilising agents, the degree to which individuals concentrate their political activities within one type of political participation is higher, regardless of the accessibility and responsiveness of their political institutions. This is partly due to the fact that these countries have a higher educated population and that higher educated individuals specialise more. Specialisation also varies along the lines of other socio-demographic divisions, such as those based on gender. Moreover, I show that in contexts in which political issues are salient, such as during an election year, individuals are more likely to engage in non-electoral types of political participation if they also vote. This implies that specialisation is reduced during times of country-wide political mobilisation. The final finding of my thesis is that non-Western immigrants tend to concentrate their political activities less within one type of political participation than the majority population in Western Europe. Western immigrants specialise quite differently, suggesting differences in the way in which they are mobilised. As well as providing an important contribution to the study of political participation, these findings are relevant to discussions regarding citizen engagement and representation.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:38Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Lucas Vasconcelos Pinto.pdf: 1257292 bytes, checksum: 2f6cd0aef546c8363a31effa69ceec9c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-04 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / This work has as its theme the influence of The American Israel Public Affairs Committee AIPAC in the foreign policy of the United States US. Firstly it was systematized a state of the art on the subject based on two main lines of thought: one of John Mearsheimer and Stephen walt and another of Noam Chomsky Gilbert Achcar and Norman Finkelstein. While those ones highlight the power of the so called Pro-Israel lobby - from which AIPAC is the most structured and renowned organization - in US politics those second ones point out that the helm of US foreign policy toward Israel is its own national interest not the Lobby. Secondly it was aimed a historical survey about AIPAC and an analysis of its structure and its procedures. It was founded then that AIPAC - as a lobbying organization an interest group - according to the law cannot make financial contributions directly to politicians. It was founded however that this practice may occur indirectly through at least two ways: through its own members contributing individually and/or by Political Action Committees PACs - institutions created specifically to this end of raising funds to political campaigns in order to elect and defeat candidates or even to influence those who are already in the Government. And thirdly it was sought to synthesize the state of the art to the historical and structural study on AIPAC. Based on the dialogue of the two main theoretical visions worked - under a optic of complementarity rather than of exclusion - alongside with an examination of AIPAC s action in history this study led us to infer that AIPAC which was founded in 1959 in the Cold War context remains being influential in US politics even with the change in the international system at the end of the Cold War. / O presente trabalho tem como tema a influencia do American Israel Public Affairs Committee (AIPAC) na politica externa dos Estados Unidos da América (EUA). Primeiro, sistematizou- se um estado da arte sobre o tema a partir de duas linhas de pensamento principais: uma de John Mearsheimer e Stephen Walt; e outra, de Noam Chomsky, Gilbert Achcar e Norman Finkelstein. Enquanto aqueles primeiros ressaltam o poder do chamado lobby pró-Israel - do qual o AIPAC e a organização mais estruturada e renomada - na politica dos EUA, estes salientam que o leme da politica externa estadunidense para com Israel e seu próprio interesse nacional, e não o lobby. Segundo, visou-se a um levantamento histórico sobre o AIPAC e a uma analise de sua estrutura e de seu modo de atuação. Constatou-se, então, que o AIPAC - como uma organização de lobby, um grupo de interesse -, de acordo com a lei, não pode enviar contribuições financeiras diretamente aos políticos. Apurou-se, no entanto, que essa prática pode ocorrer de maneira indireta, por meio de, pelo menos, duas maneiras: através de seus próprios membros contribuindo individualmente; e/ou por via dos Political Action Committees (PACs) - instituições criadas especificamente para esse fim de levantar fundos para as campanhas politicas no intuito de eleger e derrotar candidatos, ou ate mesmo influenciar os que já estão no governo. E, terceiro, buscou-se sintetizar o estado da arte ao estudo histórico e estrutural sobre o AIPAC. Com base no diálogo entre as duas principais visões teóricas trabalhadas - sob uma ótica de complementaridade ao invés de exclusão -, ao lado do exame da ação do AIPAC na história, esse estudo nos levou a inferir que o AIPAC, fundado em 1959, no contexto da Guerra Fria, continua influente na politica dos EUA, mesmo com a mudança no sistema internacional ao final da Guerra Fria

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T13:48:40Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Terra Friedrich Budini.pdf: 511107 bytes, checksum: bc2739b6f7e5328af7d6139fba7e85f8 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-06-21 / This research shows the diversification of the debate on global civil society and the non-state political action beyond borders in the recent International Relations literature. The interest of an increasing variety of theoretical perspectives on these issues reflects wider debates on the concepts that as the idea of global civil society have emerged in the discipline since the beginning of the 1990s. The insufficiencies of liberal-oriented literature to explain the maintenance of inequalities and power hierarchies in the world system is the background to this diversification. Part of the positive image associated to a global civil society lies on the idea that the lost of autonomy in domestic realm engendered by the globalization processes could be counterbalanced with the transnational/global activism, that is to say in the idea of reformulating the mediation between universality/particularity formalized by the constitution of modern political boundaries. The objective is establishing dialogues between these variety of perspectives and mapping these discussions, not only in relation to the actors and process directly involved in the transnational political action, but also shedding light in their intersection with the wider and more theoretical debate on the problem of borders, of mediation between domestic and international realms, and the idea of constitution of a global political field / O trabalho retrata a diversificação do debate sobre sociedade civil global e sobre a ação política não-estatal além das fronteiras na literatura recente no campo das Relações Internacionais. O interesse no tema por parte de uma crescente gama de perspectivas teóricas reflete debates mais amplos em torno de conceitos que, ao lado da idéia de sociedade civil global , surgiram na disciplina a partir do início dos anos 1990. Apresenta-se como cenário desta pluralização a insuficiência da literatura de inspiração liberal para explicar a permanência das desigualdades e hierarquias de poder no sistema mundial. Parte do imaginário positivo associado à sociedade civil global reside na idéia de que a perda de autonomia em âmbito doméstico - causada pelos processos de globalização - poderia ser compensada com o ativismo transnacional e/ou global, ou seja, na idéia de reformular a mediação entre universalidade/particularidade, formalizada na constituição das fronteiras modernas. Desse modo, o objetivo é estabelecer diálogos entre as várias perspectivas e mapear estas discussões tanto no que se refere aos atores e processos diretamente envolvidos na ação política não-estatal transnacional, quanto apontar sua inserção no debate teórico sobre as transposições de fronteiras, rearticulações das relações entre o doméstico e o internacional e a idéia de constituição de um campo político global"

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-29T14:17:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Anita Burth Kurka.pdf: 1507997 bytes, checksum: 678dde153c292fc3a7300b25740f1624 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-05-30 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The research object of the present thesis is the social participation, from the perspective of used territory , as an intrinsic component of political action in the emancipation process of the city of Hortolândia São Paulo, in the period 1953 1991. The objective of the work is understanding the social participation as part of the used territory and the constitutive category of Social Work. This theoretical-methodological encounter between Geography and Social Work had the Periodization Matrix of territorial formation of Hortolândia as a basic instrument. The interpretation and description of such a matrix has identified object related events in both civil society and state, in the places of Sumaré and Hortolândia. It has been observed that the process of social participation in Sumaré and Hortolândia was promoted by the social and urban infra structure demands. An intensive and extensive policy of incentive for the installation of industries in the region resulted in an accelerated urbanization and populational growth. Government administrative actions favored primarily the interests of the industries. Social participation was molded and expressed in the form of protest acts and collective actions of social movements and communitarian and philanthropic associations, contributing to the concretization of emancipation of Hortolândia, a district of Sumaré, in 1991 / A presente tese tem como objeto de pesquisa a participação social na perspectiva do território usado como componente intrínseco da ação política no processo de emancipação da cidade de Hortolândia- SP no período de 1953 à 1991. Objetivou-se compreender a participação social como parte do sistema de ação do território usado e categoria constituinte do Serviço Social. Este encontro teórico-metodológico da Geografia e do Serviço Social teve como instrumento básico a Matriz de Periodização da formação territorial de Hortolândia. A descrição e interpretação dos dados desta matriz identificaram os eventos na relação com os objetos, tanto da sociedade civil como do Estado, nos lugares de Sumaré e Hortolândia. Constatou-se que o processo de participação social em Sumaré e Hortolândia foi impulsionado pelas necessidades sociais e de infra-estrutura urbana. A política intensiva e extensiva de incentivo à industria provocou uma acelerada urbanização e crescimento populacional. As ações de Governo, prioritariamente, atendiam aos interesses das empresas. A participação social se constituiu e se expressou em atos de protesto e ações coletivas de movimentos sociais e associativismo comunitário e filantrópico, contribuindo para a concretização da emancipação de Hortolândia, distrito de Sumaré em 1991

In a time when record numbers of dollars are being spent on campaigns the unregulated dollars are flowing faster than ever. Hundreds of millions of dollars in independent expenditures are being used for “issue advocacy”, print and broadcast advertising, which does not expressly endorse or oppose a candidate for office. The one-time campaign finance ceiling has become the campaign finance basement. Individuals are able to give unlimited dollars to 527 organizations, which function outside of all campaign finance regulation and provide a new path for the flow of political dollars. Since the passage of the Bipartisan Campaign Reform Act, commonly known as the McCain-Feingold Act, federally regulated lobbyists and PACS are being edged out of the political dollar due to contribution limits. It is in 1996 that we witness the birth of 527 organizations and the flourishing growth of soft money spending in the campaign process.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-06-11T19:35:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 2004-11-24Bitstream added on 2014-06-13T20:46:21Z : No. of bitstreams: 1 martins_lhs_dr_fran.pdf: 968697 bytes, checksum: 05db506ab2b831ebb9abc3b430466b7d (MD5) / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Universidade Estadual Paulista (UNESP) / O estudo enfoca a possibilidade da ação política no tempo presente. Entende-se por política a capacidade de governo sobre o mundo comum, entre homens livres e iguais, dotados da capacidade de ação e diálogo, solitárias armas contra a política exercida como força, arbítrio e violência. Trata-se também de problematizar as condições históricas de conformação da subjetividade necessária para se opor à insensibilidade sistêmica. O recurso à sociedade como local de resolução de problemas sociais fez-nos buscar compreender a inflexão no modelo desenvolvimentista centrado no Estado. Eis que o caminho das ONGs se abre. A mudança do modelo desenvolvimentista focado no Estado dá mostras de dois processos históricos: faz parte das lutas sociais por justiça, sendo a encarnação prática de valores como solidariedade e justiça, liberdade e igualdade; por outro lado, participa de um processo talvez mais abrangente de desmanche dos direitos sociais, na medida em que o Estado transfere para a sociedade responsabilidades que a Carta Constitucional lhe incumbiu assegurar a todos, assim o fazendo bem aos moldes do estado mínimo, com cortes de investimentos sociais. Daí, mais necessário se faz a auto-organização dos cidadãos, e uma das formas de auto-organização são as Organizações não governamentais. Algumas ONGs podem auxiliar na auto-organização dos povos, sendo a própria expressão dela. Em termos de um lento e delicado processo político e pedagógico, estariam também participando do aparecimento de uma rede de sujeitos políticos contrários à insensibilidade sistêmica. Chamadas ONGs cívicas ou da democratização, estas ONGs poderiam tornar-se balizas para o universo das instituições sem-fins lucrativos. De toda forma, a participa-ção de novos atores sociais no campo da chamada... / This study focuses the possibility of a political action in the present times. Taking politics as the capacity for governing over a common world, amongst free and equal men, equipped with the capacity for action and dialogue, solitary weapons against that politics practiced through force and violence. We also aim at questioning the historical conditions for confronting the subjectivity needed for opposing systemic insensibility. The recourse to envisioning society as the place for solving social problems made us search for an understanding of the inflexion within the development pattern centered on the State. the NGOs present themselves as a way. This change in the development pattern focused on the State could be understood in two ways, or two historical processes; on one hand it could be part of a social struggle for justice, embodying practicing values like solidarity and justice, freedom and equality; or on the other hand be part of a process, maybe more comprehensive, of dismantling social rights, while the State, transfers to society those responsibilities that the Constitutional Chart assigns that the State assures to all, very much like the pattern of the minimal state, with courts of social investment. Thus, self-organizing amongst the citizens becomes more necessary, and the NGOs is one of the ways to self-organizing . Some NGOs can help self-organizing of peoples, being an expression of their own. In terms of a slow and delicate political and learning process, it would also be making possible the appearance of a network of political subjects. Called civic or democratizing NGOs, the latter could become landmarks for the universe of non-lucrative institutions. In any case, the inclusion of new social actors in the field of the so called social question broadens the debate, so far considered endogenous, for being...(Complete abstract, click electronic access below)

Orientador: Paulo de Tarso Oliveira / Banca: Josué Pereira da Silva / Banca: Nanci Soares / Banca: Ana Maria Ramos Estêvão / Banca: Eliana Amábile Dancini / Resumo: O estudo enfoca a possibilidade da ação política no tempo presente. Entende-se por política a capacidade de governo sobre o mundo comum, entre homens livres e iguais, dotados da capacidade de ação e diálogo, solitárias armas contra a política exercida como força, arbítrio e violência. Trata-se também de problematizar as condições históricas de conformação da subjetividade necessária para se opor à insensibilidade sistêmica. O recurso à sociedade como local de resolução de problemas sociais fez-nos buscar compreender a inflexão no modelo desenvolvimentista centrado no Estado. Eis que o caminho das ONGs se abre. A mudança do modelo desenvolvimentista focado no Estado dá mostras de dois processos históricos: faz parte das lutas sociais por justiça, sendo a encarnação prática de valores como solidariedade e justiça, liberdade e igualdade; por outro lado, participa de um processo talvez mais abrangente de desmanche dos direitos sociais, na medida em que o Estado transfere para a sociedade responsabilidades que a Carta Constitucional lhe incumbiu assegurar a todos, assim o fazendo bem aos moldes do estado mínimo, com cortes de investimentos sociais. Daí, mais necessário se faz a auto-organização dos cidadãos, e uma das formas de auto-organização são as Organizações não governamentais. Algumas ONGs podem auxiliar na auto-organização dos povos, sendo a própria expressão dela. Em termos de um lento e delicado processo político e pedagógico, estariam também participando do aparecimento de uma rede de sujeitos políticos contrários à insensibilidade sistêmica. Chamadas ONGs cívicas ou da democratização, estas ONGs poderiam tornar-se balizas para o universo das instituições sem-fins lucrativos. De toda forma, a participa-ção de novos atores sociais no campo da chamada...(Resumo completo, clicar acesso eletrônico abaixo) / Abstract: This study focuses the possibility of a political action in the present times. Taking politics as the capacity for governing over a common world, amongst free and equal men, equipped with the capacity for action and dialogue, solitary weapons against that politics practiced through force and violence. We also aim at questioning the historical conditions for confronting the subjectivity needed for opposing systemic insensibility. The recourse to envisioning society as the place for solving social problems made us search for an understanding of the inflexion within the development pattern centered on the State. the NGOs present themselves as a way. This change in the development pattern focused on the State could be understood in two ways, or two historical processes; on one hand it could be part of a social struggle for justice, embodying practicing values like solidarity and justice, freedom and equality; or on the other hand be part of a process, maybe more comprehensive, of dismantling social rights, while the State, transfers to society those responsibilities that the Constitutional Chart assigns that the State assures to all, very much like the pattern of the minimal state, with courts of social investment. Thus, self-organizing amongst the citizens becomes more necessary, and the NGOs is one of the ways to self-organizing . Some NGOs can help self-organizing of peoples, being an expression of their own. In terms of a slow and delicate political and learning process, it would also be making possible the appearance of a network of political subjects. Called civic or democratizing NGOs, the latter could become landmarks for the universe of non-lucrative institutions. In any case, the inclusion of new social actors in the field of the so called social question broadens the debate, so far considered endogenous, for being...(Complete abstract, click electronic access below) / Doutor

Cette recherche a eu pour objectif d’explorer les postures d’animateurs et d’animatrices scientifiques quant au dialogue « sciences en/et société » et les moyens qu’ils utilisent pour assurer ce dialogue à travers leurs interventions pédagogiques dans le cadre d’ateliers scientifiques hors scolaires. Six animateurs scientifiques ont été interviewés. Ces entretiens ont permis de recueillir des données riches sur leur compréhension de la nature des sciences, leurs postures pédagogiques en tant que transmetteur, guide ou médiateur du développement de l’alphabétisation scientifique chez les jeunes dans les espaces hors scolaires, ainsi que sur la manière dont ils perçoivent le rôle de leurs interventions pédagogiques dans le cadre du développement de l’alphabétisation scientifique chez les jeunes et de la compréhension qu’ils ont des sciences comme outil d’action sociopolitique, tel qu’entendu dans le dialogue « sciences en/et société ». Les postures épistémologiques, pédagogiques et sociales identifiées sont d’une grande diversité et révèlent des tendances qui s’inscrivent dans des spectres allant de l’empirisme au constructivisme, du divertissement à l’empowerment et de la valorisation de la place des sciences en société à la critique de sa primauté. Plusieurs animateurs scientifiques de notre échantillon ont ainsi eu des postures hybrides et parfois conflictuelles, ce qui met en évidence la valeur potentielle d’interventions éducatives qui donnent aux animateurs scientifiques l’occasion de questionner et de réexaminer de manière critique leurs pratiques. / The purpose of this study was to explore informal science educators’ position on the “science in/and society” dialogue and the means whereby they ensure that dialogue through their pedagogical interventions in out-of-school settings. Six informal science educators were interviewed, leading to rich data in terms of their understanding of the nature of science, their pedagogical positions as transmitters, constructors and mediators of children’s development of science literacy in out-of-school settings, and the manner they perceive the role of their pedagogical interventions in children’s science literacy development and understanding of science as a tool for socio-political action, as called for by a science in/and society dialogue. The epistemic, pedagogical and social positions identified range from empiricism to constructivism, from entertainment to empowerment, and from recognition of the value of science in society to a critique of its pre-eminence, suggesting great diversity among the educators studied. Many of the sampled educators held hybrid and at times conflicting positions, suggesting the potential value of educational interventions that offer a means for informal science educators to question and critically re-examine their current practices.

Submitted by SBI Biblioteca Digital (sbi.bibliotecadigital@puc-campinas.edu.br) on 2017-08-30T13:52:03Z No. of bitstreams: 1 NOEMIE NELLY NAHUM.pdf: 14077034 bytes, checksum: a3277c9c8afeb7275c61c84726af0d28 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2017-08-30T13:52:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 NOEMIE NELLY NAHUM.pdf: 14077034 bytes, checksum: a3277c9c8afeb7275c61c84726af0d28 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2017-06-30 / Pontif?cia Universidade Cat?lica de Campinas ? PUC Campinas / It is proposed to reflect the research from the point of view of theory and practice, considering them inseparably related to the process of methodological reconstruction in the applied social sciences, especially in the area of architecture and urbanism. The discussion involves the development of an urban projectc in the Village neighborhood in Campinas, S?o Paulo, understanding it as a political and technical vehicle for dialogue among the social agents involved in it. Urban regeneration of public spaces is privileged, taking into account that, under dialogical conditions, the collective subject can guide the treatment of daily territory. / Prop?e-se refletir a pesquisa do ponto de vista da teoria e da pr?tica, considerando-as indissociavelmente relacionadas ao processo de reconstru??o metodol?gica nas ci?ncias sociais aplicadas, especialmente na ?rea de arquitetura e urbanismo. A discuss?o envolve o desenvolvimento de um projeto urbano no bairro Village em Campinas, S?o Paulo, compreendendo-o como ve?culo pol?tico e t?cnico de di?logo entre os agentes sociais nele envolvidos. Privilegia-se a requalifica??o urbana dos espa?os livres p?blicos, levando em conta que, sob condi??es dial?gicas, o sujeito coletivo possa orientar o tratamento do territ?rio cotidiano.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:46:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Andre Ribeiro Passos Arruda.pdf: 3324349 bytes, checksum: f5a5c233bb9b34c01100632ef0bbe8f7 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-09-04 / This research looks at the processes of construction of youth identities. We intend to reflect on the various mechanisms of cultural and political action promoted through media resources, mobilized by young participants of audiovisual creation workshops in civil society organizations, in the suburbs of São Paulo City nowadays. The daily experiments made by these young people through audiovisual recordings, in multiplier institutions which provide them with the knowledge and tools needed, contribute to promoting changes in personal relationships, sociability values as well as to a redefinition of identities day by day. These young people, in varying degrees of organization, build collective identities, get organized in a spirit of solidarity, hold dialogues, recognize themselves as entitled to rights and also as citizens and agents of change in society. We attempted to use an interdisciplinary methodological approach in a perspective related to topics of the areas of Cultural Studies, Anthropology, Discourse Analysis, Languages, History and Sociology, with regard to the dynamics of identity construction processes and social interaction, and urban sociability, for they question the different forms of resistance, as well as the process through which new values, behaviors, identities, new forms of political and cultural action are built. / A presente pesquisa visa apresentar uma reflexão acerca dos processos de construção das identidades de jovens. Pretende-se refletir sobre os diversos mecanismos de ação cultural e política, promovidos por meio de recursos midiáticos mobilizados por jovens participantes de oficinas de criação audiovisual em organizações da sociedade civil, nos territórios periféricos do contexto urbano da cidade de São Paulo na contemporaneidade. As experiências cotidianas realizadas por esses jovens através de registros audiovisuais, nas instituições multiplicadoras dos conhecimentos e ferramentas necessárias, constituem-se em promotoras de mudanças nas relações pessoais, de valores de sociabilidade e de ressignificações das identidades no dia-a-dia. Esses jovens, em diferentes graus de organização, constroem identidades coletivas, organizam-se solidariamente, realizam interlocuções, reconhecem-se como alvo de direitos e constituem-se em cidadãos e agentes transformadores da sociedade. Buscou-se utilizar uma abordagem metodológica transdisciplinar em uma perspectiva relacionada aos eixos temáticos das áreas dos estudos da cultura, particularmente dos estudos culturais e da antropologia, da análise do discurso, das linguagens, da história e da sociologia, no que se refere à dinâmica dos processos de construção das identidades e da interação social, e da sociabilidade urbana, por problematizarem as diferentes formas de resistências, assim como processos de construção de novos valores, comportamentos, identidades, novas formas de ação política e cultural.