The aim of this thesis is to show how Europe is constructed at the intersection between archaeology, money and politics within EU cultural actions. Ever since the 1970s, the European Community has invested money and prestige in the idea of a common cultural heritage for Europe. Alongside symbolic attributes such as the flag and anthem, archaeological sites have been used as rhetorical fuel to create a sense of European belonging, much like in national identity building. As a result, archaeologists and heritage professionals have benefitted from EU funding for restoration of sites, training schools and cooperation projects since 1976. In order to address this mutual engagement, the research in this thesis explores the ways that EU grant systems in culture have fostered specific approaches to Europeanness, and how supported projects have responded to notions about a common heritage. By considering EU officials, expert reviewers, consultants and archaeologists as co-creators of the frameworks they participate in, this study raises the idea of financial ties as a place of interaction. The study takes an ethnographic approach and uses discourse analysis and tools from Actor-Network Theory. The material consists of observations made during an internship at the European Commission, 41 interviews with different actors, as well as policy documents, budgets and collected information about 160 supported projects with archaeological themes. This research demonstrates how the expectations linked to archaeology have turned it into both a problem and a promise in the search for a 'usable past' for the EU. On the one hand, archaeology has functioned as an anchor, mooring the notion of a common heritage to something solid. On the other, because of its strong commitment to nationhood, what archaeology claims for its own has often undermined the very idea of a shared European inheritance. Projects benefitting from EU support have taken advantage of the expectations placed upon archaeology to help create a European identity, using buzzwords and 'application poetry' in their proposals. Many projects continuously used EU goals and symbols in their outputs. Sometimes a European past and present was connected by rhetorically tying archaeological periods (such as the Middle Ages and Roman Era) and phenomena (rock art or landscapes) to the EU political project. This link was more manifest in public settings than in academic ones. Taken together, the considerations brought up in this study show that funding matters. The EU strategy of vagueness, in which instructions and evaluation criteria foremost decide the frames but not the content of the projects, has inspired applicants to 'think Europe without thinking.' Once an application is written and submitted, a chain of translations by different actors works to depoliticise the act of constructing Europe. The EU, just as other funding bodies, has become entangled in the political ecology of archaeology. An entanglement which is unavoidable, but which needs to be critically addressed. Funding sources matter for the way we understand both the past and the meaning of archaeology in the present. / Denna avhandling undersöker hur Europa skapas i gränslandet mellan arkeologi, pengar och politik inom den Europeiska Unionens kulturpolitiska finansieringsprogram. Vid sidan av symboliska attribut såsom flagga och nationalsång har företrädare för den Europeiska Gemenskapen och EU engagerat sig i idén om ett gemensamt europeiskt kulturarv, på ett metaforiskt såväl som ett materiellt plan. Politisk legitimitet har sökts med hänvisning till en mångtusenårig samhörighet. I samband med detta engagemang har arkeologer och kulturarvsarbetare sedan 1970-talet erhållit finansiellt stöd för restaureringsprojekt på platser av europeisk betydelse och transnationella samarbetsprojekt som kan skapa europeiskt mervärde. Studien undersöker banden mellan EU och arkeologi genom att lyfta finansiering som en plats för interaktion och meningsskapande. En etnografisk metod har tillämpats, där empirin består av fältobservationer från en praktikantperiod på Europeiska kommissionen, 41 intervjuer med olika aktörer, samt policydokument och arkeologiska texter. En databas med 160 arkeologiska projekt har även skapats. Diskursanalys och nätverksteoretiska begrepp såsom översättningar och svarta lådan har använts för att lokalisera och begreppsliggöra iakttagelser och meningsfulla skärningspunkter i materialet. Studien visar hur EU-tjänstemän, expertgranskare, konsulter och arkeologer alla deltar i utformandet av arkeologiska problemställningar och byggandet av professionella nätverk. EUs mjuka strategier, inom vilka instruktioner och utvärderingskriterier främst bestämmer ramarna men inte innehållet i de finansierade projekten, har inspirerat sökande att tänka Europa utan att tänka. När en ansökan skrivs och lämnas in startar en kedja av översättningar som leder till att olika aktörer avpolitiserar skapandet av Europa i samtiden. I resultaten framkom att arkeologiska projekt, genom att använda EUs målformuleringar i sina projektansökningar, ofta har utnyttjat EUs förväntningar på arkeologi om att skapa en europeisk identitet. I flera projekt knöts en europeisk samhörighet i det förflutna samman med dagens EUropa. Dessutom fortsatte många projekt att använda EUs mål och symboler i sina outputs. Här var EU-kopplingen tydligare i publika sammanhang än i akademiska. Sammantaget visar studien att val av finansieringskälla spelar stor roll. EUs finansieringsprogram har blivit en del av arkeologins politiska ekologi, en sammanflätning som är oundviklig men viktig att kritiskt uppmärksamma. Dessa band påverkar både vår syn på det förflutna och samhällets syn på arkeologi idag.

Influencée par la critique postmoderne et les études postcoloniales, cette recherche exploratoire invite à une réflexion sur le rôle et la place des ONG comme acteurs du développement des « pays du Sud », dans un monde de plus en plus globalisé. Les données empiriques, d’une part, récoltées suite à une enquête ethnographique au sein du siège social de l’une des ONG les plus influente de Montréal, Oxfam-Québec, et les données théoriques interdisciplinaires, d’autre part, ont permis une analyse en deux temps. Premièrement, il s’agit de comprendre le fonctionnement interne de ces puissantes ONG ainsi que leurs liens avec l’État et les marchés. La seconde partie sera consacrée à l’analyse de la mission de développement ainsi que la constitution du pouvoir et de la légitimité grandissante sur la scène politique mondiale de ces ONG transnationales. / Influenced by postmodern critique and postcolonial studies, this exploratory research invites to think the role and place of NGOs as actors in the development of “countries of the South”, in a more global world. Empirical data were collected through an ethnographic research conducted in one of the most influential NGOs in Montreal, Oxfam-Quebec, and from interdisciplinary theoretical data, both sources leading a two phase approach. First, the thesis highlights the need to understand the internal mechanisms of those powerful NGOs and their link with State and markets. The second part will be dedicated to the analysis of the development mission together with their growing importance on the international political level.

À partir d’un travail d’enquête anthropologique mené à un niveau microsocial, cette thèse étudie la vie politique de l’île d’Ouvéa (Nouvelle-Calédonie) que l’on peut comparer à un chantier permanent. S’appuyant sur quatre études de cas relatant des crises, des polémiques ou des controverses, ce travail conduit une réflexion générale sur la conception de la vie politique locale et sur les rapports d’influence et de pouvoir qu’elle peut générer. L’analyse s’articule autour de trois focales. L’affaire de la grotte d’Ouvéa, qui constitue la première, montre en quoi les événements historiques et leurs enjeux mémoriels sont des fondements de la vie politique contemporaine. La seconde focale traite de la « coutume » comme discours normé, système de relations et ordre politique. Son analyse met en exergue le fait que la « coutume » n’organise pas autant la vie quotidienne de manière traditionnelle qu’elle est régulièrement mobilisée pour servir des ambitions personnelles. La troisième focale s’intéresse à l’articulation de la « coutume » et de l’institution républicaine locale de la commune à l’époque de la « loi sur la parité ». La description du conseil municipal permet ainsi de nourrir une réflexion sur les rapports sociaux de sexe en pays kanak. L’objectif de ce travail est de démontrer que la vie politique d’Ouvéa constitue un « (mi)lieu » paradoxal caractérisé par des activités de construction, de démolition et de réparation. Constituant un milieu à la fois agité et figé, contrôlé et désordonné, tourné vers le passé et ouvert à l’avenir, la vie politique d’Ouvéa, tout comme les éléments qui la composent, est un objet à la fois mouvant et dynamique. / Based on a microsocial ethnography, this thesis focuses on the political life of Ouvéa Island (New Caledonia) which can be considered as a constant ongoing building process.Using four case studies describing crisis, polemics or controversies, this thesis offers more general thoughts on the organization on how this political life is locally conceived and on the relationships of influence and of power it can generates.The analysis evolves around three major problematics. The « affaire de la grotte d’Ouvéa », which is the first one, demonstrates how historical events and their memory stakes are the foundation of the contemporary political life. The second one, questions « custom » as a standardized discourse, a relationship system and a political order. Its analyses shows that « custom » is not only organizing the daily life on a traditional way, but that it can also be used in order to serve more personal ambitions. The third problematic explores how both « custom » and « republican institutions » do articulate with eachother at the time of the implementation of the « french parity law ». The description of the « conseil municipal » (local Council) therefore provides us with general thoughts on gender relationships in Kanak society. The aim of this work is to demonstrate that the political life of Ouvéa is a paradoxal environment characterised by building as well as demolition and fixing activities. Being at the same time an agitated and motionless place, considering its past when looking forward to the future at the same time, the political life of Ouvéa, just like the elements which compose it, is both a changing and a dynamic object.

Este trabalho pretende discutir como as relações com a alteridade operam politicamente entre os Guarani Mbya; de que maneira os seus movimentos, como a esquiva, conformam modos políticos de conduzir a incorporação do exterior, transformando posições e relações de poder. Tomado primeiramente a partir da dança do xondaro, personagem que remete a diferentes funções e a uma forma de relação, o movimento da esquiva irá além para ajudar a pensar as dinâmicas entre corpos, coletivos e mundos, contribuindo para suspender oposições exclusivas entre resistência e fuga. A esquiva (jeavy uka fazer errar) surge como um movimento nem exclusivamente positivo, nem negativo. Em termos políticos: não submete e tampouco deixa se submeter. A análise aborda também a prática da enganação conforme ela aparece em narrativas mitológicas guarani, cuja operação revela um mecanismo de crítica política na mitologia. Ao final, após revisitarmos oprocesso histórico da resistência guarani, chegamos ao contexto contemporâneoda luta indígena pelas demarcações, na qual desdobram-se atualizações de figuras-chaves da política ameríndia, como o xamã e o guerreiro. Assim, seja no passadoou no presente, busco demonstrar como a esquiva guarani é um movimentocapaz de produzir, de forma concomitante, possibilidades de resistência opostas einterdependentes. / This work intends to discuss how the relations with the alterity operate politically among the Guarani Mbya; in which manners their movements, such as the dodge, conform political ways to conduct the incorporation of the exterior, transforming power positions and relations. Taking into account, primarily, the dance of the xondaro, a figure that alludes to different functions and to a form of relation, the movement of the dodge goes beyond to help reflect about the dynamics of bodies, collectives and worlds, contributing to a suspension of exclusive oppositions between resistance and escape. The dodge (jeavy uka make mistake) appears as a movement, not exclusively positive, nor negative. In political terms: it does not submit nor submits oneself. The analysis addresses as well the practice of deceit, according to how it appears in the mythological guarani narratives, whose operation in the mythology reveals a mechanism of political critique. At the end, after revisiting the historical process of resistance of the guarani, one reaches to a contemporary context of indigenous struggle for land demarcation, in which are unfolded updates of key figures of the Amerindian politics, such as the xamã and the warrior. Thus, be it in the past or the present, the work here presented seeks to demonstrate how the guarani dodge is a movement capable of generate, in a concomitant manner, opposed and interdependent possibilities of resistance.

Submitted by JOSIANE SANTOS DE OLIVEIRA (josianeso) on 2018-04-11T16:36:07Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Thais da Rosa Alves_.pdf: 4429074 bytes, checksum: 130f0d7262220b2887aa14ba17bafc1d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-04-11T16:36:07Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Thais da Rosa Alves_.pdf: 4429074 bytes, checksum: 130f0d7262220b2887aa14ba17bafc1d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-02-28 / CAPES - Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / PROSUP - Programa de Suporte à Pós-Gradução de Instituições de Ensino Particulares / Esta pesquisa insere-se no conjunto de estudos sobre ativismo de mulheres de camadas populares. A partir de um diálogo com a antropologia da política e com o feminismo negro, principalmente desde a perspectiva interseccional, esta dissertação tem como objetivo analisar como um grupo de mulheres negras compreende suas práticas em uma associação comunitária localizada no Morro da Polícia, na periferia de Porto Alegre. Desde uma abordagem etnográfica, acompanhei as práticas cotidianas das integrantes da Associação e, em especial de Rosa, durante os meses de julho a setembro de 2018, totalizando três meses de trabalho de campo. Neste período, acompanhei eventos organizados pela Associação na localidade e, também, acompanhei as integrantes em demais eventos nos quais minhas interlocutoras participaram. Ao acompanhar o dia-a-dia da Associação, esta dissertação evidenciou diferentes níveis de atuação e de percepção da política neste espaço, articuladas com elementos que se interseccionam no ativismo dessas mulheres. / This research is part of a series of studies on women activists from popular classes. From a dialogue with political anthropology and black feminism, especially from the intersectional perspective, this master thesis aims to analyze how a group of black women understands their practices in a community association located in Morro da Polícia, in a rough area of Porto Alegre. Based on an ethnographic approach, I followed the daily practices of the members of the Association, especially Rosa, between July and September 2018, totaling three months of field survey. In this period I followed events organized by the Association in the locality and also accompanied the members in other events where my interlocutors participated. In accompanying the daily routine in the Association, this thesis evidenced different levels of action and policy perception in this space, articulated with elements that intersect in the activism of these women.

Cette thèse étudie l'ordinaire bureaucratique des agents de la circonscription scolaire - l'administration scolaire déconcentrée - au Bénin et la manière dont ils "font" l'école primaire au quotidien; Fondé sur quinze mois de terrain entre 2012 et 2015 principalement passés dans deux circonscriptions scolaires du pays, mon travail étudie plus particulièrement l'autorité des chefs - inspecteurs et conseillers pédagogiques - sur la gestion locale de l'école, qu'ils se plaignaient d'avoir perdue depuis 1990 et l'ouverture démocratique du pays. A travers l'analyse socio-historique de la construction des inspections et du groupe professionnel des inspecteurs, l'étude de la circulation de l'autorité au sein de l'arène scolaire locale et des rapports hiérarchiques et pédagogiques entretenus avec les enseignants, je montre comment se négocie, quotidiennement, l'autorité publique sur le service local d'enseignement. Je documente ainsi le jeu entre autorités premières et secondes sur la gestion de l'école à travers les rapports entretenus avec les autorités hiérarchiques, les syndicats, les enseignants, les parents ou la mairie. Les dynamiques de concertation, de négociation ou de contournement de l'administration scolaire locale participent à la production quotidienne de l'école et interrogent l'autorité de la circonscription sur les affaires scolaires. J'analyse également les effets des récentes réformes managériales sur les conditions de travail et les formes de professionnalité des inspecteurs et conseillers. En montrant la coexistence des figures de l'inspecteur "loup-garou", de l'inspecteur "conseiller" et de l'inspecteur "gestionnaire", je ne questionne pas seulement les transformations des ethos professionnels et des manières d'être "chef", mais également la pluralité des façons de faire l'Etat et l'école dans les salles de classe béninoises. / This thesis focuses on the bureaucratic routine of agents of school districts - the decentralized school administration - in Benin, and the ways in which they "make" primary school on a day-to-day basis. Relying on a fifteen months-fieldwork research (2012-2015) conducted mainly in two school districts of the country, this dissertation studies more specifically the leaders' authority - inspectors and pedagogical advisors - over the local management of school that they claim to have lost with the democratic opening in the 1990s. Through a socio-historical analysis of the construction of inspections and the inspectors' occupational group, the study of the circulation of authority within the school's local arena, and the inspectors' hierarchical and pedagogical relations with teachers, I show how public authority is negociated within the local education service. In doing so, I document the strategies at play between first and second-level authorities through the relations maintained with the hierarchical authorities, the unions, the teachers, the parents or the town hall. The dynamics of dialogue, negociation or circumvention of the school district participate in the day-to-day functioning of school and question the local administration's authority over school issues. I also analyse the effects of recent managerial reforms on the inspectors and advisors' working conditions and their professional culture. By demonstrating the coexistence of the figure of the "werewolf" inspector, the "counsellor" inspector and the "manager" inspector, I do not only question the transformations in the ethos of professionals and in the ways of being "a leader", I also question the multiplicity of ways of making the State and making school in Benin's classrooms.

Esta dissertação é um estudo antropológico a respeito do Partido Progressista Brasileiro-PPB, em Porto Alegre, durante as eleições municipais de 1996. Pretendendo ser uma contribuição para a temática da antropologia da política. O trabalho teve como objetivo desvelar os mecanismos de representação e práticas políticas do grupo de candidatos a vereador. Analisou-se como as biografias dos candidatos estão articuladas com as ações rituais do partido. O presente estudo possibilitou discutir, no âmbito das sociedades contemporâneas, os referenciais do ritual na política moderna, a família e sua importância como instituição na ação política, enfim as questões que são levadas em conta quando alguém quer se tornar candidato. / This dissertation is an anthropological study about the Progressive Brazilian Party (Partido Progressista Brasileiro - PPB) during the municipal election of 1996 in Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil. As a contribution to Political Anthropology, this research had as its goal to reveal the mechamisms of representation and the political practices of the candidates running for city councilors. The biographies of the candidates are compared with the ritual actions of the party. This study has made a discussion of the points to be considered when one wants to become a candidate, in the realm of contemporary societies, of the ritual references in modern politics, in the family and its importance as an active political institution.

This dissertation examines how a group of street vendors in Yogyakarta City, Indonesia, experienced a government-organized relocation from Mangkubumi Street to a newly renovated marketplace. In particular, I explore the strategies taken by the leaders of a street vendor organization called Pethikbumi to refuse the relocation and claim their right to the street. Contestations over streets, street vending and street vendor relocations constitute important moments during which citizenship, democracy and belonging are negotiated in the city. I argue that the conflict over belonging and democracy took the form of a social drama and was shaped and structured by specific moral appeals, public performances, and processes of imitation (cf. Turner 1974). The study begins with an exploration of the history of street vending and the pedagang kaki lima (street vendor) in Indonesia. I outline how the pedagang kaki lima were viewed as “dirty”, a simplified code for the transgression of social, spatial and legal boundaries. I move on to explore the way the street vendors of Pethikbumi drew on ideas of “the people” (rakyat), democracy and transparency in claiming their rights. I analyze the ways that Pethikbumi drew on important moments in Indonesia’s past and present, situating this relocation conflict as significant and as part of “history”. The relocation was also rooted in an epistemology of “skepticism” derived from an awareness of the ambiguity and tension between appearances and realities (cf. Anderson 1990). Pethikbumi engaged in tactics to both reveal and conceal the “unseen powers” that were imagined as working behind the scenes to generate conflict. The conflict over the relocation to a marketplace was not only a fight over who had access to the street but also a struggle over what constitutes democracy, how to achieve transparency, and who belongs in post-Suharto Indonesia.

Influencée par la critique postmoderne et les études postcoloniales, cette recherche exploratoire invite à une réflexion sur le rôle et la place des ONG comme acteurs du développement des « pays du Sud », dans un monde de plus en plus globalisé. Les données empiriques, d’une part, récoltées suite à une enquête ethnographique au sein du siège social de l’une des ONG les plus influente de Montréal, Oxfam-Québec, et les données théoriques interdisciplinaires, d’autre part, ont permis une analyse en deux temps. Premièrement, il s’agit de comprendre le fonctionnement interne de ces puissantes ONG ainsi que leurs liens avec l’État et les marchés. La seconde partie sera consacrée à l’analyse de la mission de développement ainsi que la constitution du pouvoir et de la légitimité grandissante sur la scène politique mondiale de ces ONG transnationales. / Influenced by postmodern critique and postcolonial studies, this exploratory research invites to think the role and place of NGOs as actors in the development of “countries of the South”, in a more global world. Empirical data were collected through an ethnographic research conducted in one of the most influential NGOs in Montreal, Oxfam-Quebec, and from interdisciplinary theoretical data, both sources leading a two phase approach. First, the thesis highlights the need to understand the internal mechanisms of those powerful NGOs and their link with State and markets. The second part will be dedicated to the analysis of the development mission together with their growing importance on the international political level.

This thesis offers an account of children's lived experiences in Rwanda (1930s-2016) in four key domains: kinship, education, economic transitions, and marriage. Based on historical and ethnographic fieldwork in rural and urban Rwanda from 2012 to 2014, this work explores how three generations of young people have experienced and navigated childhood and coming of age at the interface of 'traditional' and 'modern' institutional systems. Rather than focusing narrowly on 'crisis' childhoods, individual agency, or exogenous forces, as studies of young Africans and social change tend to, this work examines young people's 'everyday' actions - intentional and unintentional, individual and collective, compliant and non-compliant - and locates them within their broader historical, relational, and institutional environment. By focusing on the intensely reproductive period of childhood and coming of age, on Rwanda's unexceptional majority rather than its exceptionally vulnerable minority, and on children's everyday actions rather than the strategic actions of elites, this thesis shows us how children shape the institutions of childhood and marriage and, in so doing, influence how society is reproduced and changed. Theoretically, this thesis explains how children and their institutional environment are mutually constituting: it examines how and why young people experience rapid change and structural violence differently and it traces how they reproduce and change these structural conditions as they engage with institutional mechanisms in (un)intended ways. The research reveals that children in central Rwanda navigate constraints and opportunities by drawing on established kinship relationships and institutions while also opportunistically engaging with modern institutions and their actors. However, in this context of 'institutional multiplicity', traditional and modern institutional systems each need Rwanda's young majority to reproduce their institutions over others', and as intended, to achieve their power-distributional goals. This makes children's actions particularly consequential and demands that we redefine what political action - and political actors - look like.