O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

O trabalho busca compor uma teoria etnográfica da política kaiowá, o que significa dizer que, a partir do trabalho de campo, elabora um modelo de compreensão dos movimentos coletivos desses indígenas de língua guarani e de suas formulações a esse respeito as quais, na tradução proposta aqui, corresponderiam, em parte, ao que nós, ocidentais, entendemos como política (estabelecendo, ainda, conexão com o que se vem denominando cosmopolítica). As formas políticas em análise aqui estão agrupadas em torno de três figuras de maior rendimento para a exposição: tendotá, johexakáry e aty. Por vezes, as formulações dizem respeito também aos Guarani de MS (falantes de ñandeva), uma vez que parte da pesquisa os alcança, e parte não. Para que sejam mais bem compreendidas, mostramos como essas formas podem ser postas em diálogo com relatos sobre diversas experiências políticas ameríndias, de grupos como os Tupinambá quinhentistas, os Iroqueses e os Maya de Chiapas, México. O trabalho também discute como a noção de redes sociais pode ajudar a repensar a versão canônica da história da região hoje habitada pelos Kaiowá e Guarani, o sul de Mato Grosso do Sul. / The work aims to compose an ethnographic theory of kaiowa politics, which means that, based on the fieldwork, it formulates a model for understanding the collective movements of this guarani speaking group and its statements about this subject which, in the translation proposed here, correspond in part to what we Westerners understand as politics (also establishing a connection with the so called \"cosmopolitics\"). The political forms under review are grouped around three characters of greater yield for discusssion: tendotá, johexakáry and aty. Sometimes, the statements also concern the Guarani (ñandeva speakers), as part of the research involves them, but not all of it. To promote a better understanding, we show how these forms can be brought into dialogue with accounts of diferent amerindian political experiences, among groups like the Tupinambá of sixteenth century, the Iroquois and the Maya of Chiapas, Mexico. The thesis also discusses how the notion of social networks can help to rethink the canonical version of the history of the region now inhabited by the Guarani and Kaiowá, the south of Mato Grosso do Sul.

Nous proposons dans cette thèse une étude des phénomènes politiques dans la réserve mohawk de Kahnawake au Canada. Nous fondons notre interrogation sur des données croisées du symbolique et de la praxis, du perçu/vécu et des dimensions pragmatiques étayées par différents aspects de la culture matérielle. Ce projet d'anthropologie politique, qui fait des ontologies, des phénomènes de subjectivation et des pratiques les axes principaux de recherche, nous invite à investir autant les cadres normatifs et idéels que les dynamiques structurelles qui animent la communauté et ces différentes institutions. Nous souhaitions nous détacher des études qui se fondent sur des paradigmes construits à partir d'une dyade antagoniste tradition/modernité, authenticité/rupture, etc. De même, nous avons rompu avec des travaux qui pointent essentiellement les aspects fonctionnels du politique et des institutions. En serrant au plus près ce vaste ensemble, qui embrasse une variété de champs, nous postulons l'existence d'une mécanique sociale, politique et spirituelle cohérente capable d'épouser les courbes irrégulières de la vie de cette population, marquée par des angles aigus qu'ont dessiné la colonisation et ses conséquences. / In this thesis, we propose a study of political phenomena in the mohawk reservation of Kahnawake in Canada. We base our interrogation on data crossed between symbolism and praxis, the perceived and the experienced and the pragmatic dimensions supported by different aspects of material culture. This project of political anthropology which makes ontologies, subjectification phenomena and practices the central theme of its research, invites us to invest normative and ideational frameworks as much as the structural dynamics that animate the community and its different institutions. We wish to detach ourselves from studies that base themselves on paradigms built from such antagonistic dyads as tradition/modernity, authenticity/rupture, etc. Furthermore, we have broken off from works that essentially point to the functional aspects of the political and the institutional. In closely tightening up this vast ensemble that embraces a variety of fields, we postulate the existence of a coherent social, political and spiritual mechanism, able to espouse the irregular curves of this population’s life, marked by the sharp angles drawn by colonization and its consequences.

Cette thèse vise à fournir un élément de réponse à un problème politicoanthropologique classique, celui de l'origine de l'inégalité parmi les hommes. Plus précisément, elle vise à déterminer deux choses: <p>1) pourquoi des hommes, capables de culture, ont vécu pendant des centaines de milliers d'années dans des petits groupes de chasseurs-cueilleurs nomades et égalitaires<p>2) pourquoi l'apparition de sociétés de grande taille au cours du Néolithique s'est systématiquement accompagnée d'une différenciation sociale accrue, de l'apparition de hiérarchies de statuts et, éventuellement, de la centralisation du pouvoir politique.<p><p>La réponse proposée est que la taille des sociétés humaines est sensible à un effet de plafonnement. Ceci s'explique par le caractère conditionnel de la coopération humaine et par la mémoire limitée des humains en contexte social. Ce plafonnement de la taille des groupes ne peut être surmonté que si les humains créent des institutions qui permettent une division sociale du travail de sanction, ce qui à son tour dépend de l'émergence chez l'homme d'un langage et d'une théorie de l'esprit complexes. L'argument proposé est de type fonctionnaliste et vise à appuyer les théories en sciences sociales qui s'intéressent à l'évolution de la culture et des formes politiques. / Doctorat en philosophie et lettres, Orientation philosophie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The study theorizes that a nation-state can manifest a condition similar to that of personality commonly associated with humans. Through the identification of consistent behaviors, a personality like condition is recognizable, and the underlining motivations dictate national policy independent of any current social/political influence. The research examines Russia during two historical periods examining the conflict events and social/political transitions of the period, to identify common behavioral characteristics, which indicate the existence of any independent personality like trait. The study focuses on two historical periods: the Monarch Period of Peter I (The Great), and the Post-Soviet Union period of Vladimir Putin, periods selected as historical eras in which Russia experienced major political or social transition. Using a comparative qualitative historical analysis with a behaviorist focus, the research examines these periods by profiling each era’s elements of society and the events of domestic and international conflict that Russia experienced, while evaluating the actions taken in response to each. The research discovers that Russia exhibits personality like traits, similar to those associated with humans and are likewise developed from experience, and once imbedded into Russian psychology, regardless of the current social/political elements or situational conditions, remain prime motivators to Russian behavior. The personality like characteristic identified was similar to inferiority, which leads to behavior characteristics comparable to narcissism, as the definition of narcissism relates to the need for admiration and or acceptance. The study identified the origins of the inferiority like complex and the narcissistic like behavior pattern exhibited by Russia in both periods.

PhD (African Studies) / Centre for African Studies / The Thulamela Local Municipality is currently experiencing a plethora of public service delivery challenges. This often leads to court litigation and disputes with the institution of musanda. These public service delivery challenges, conflicts and court disputes in many cases leave the communities within the municipality deprived of basic services as a result of slow or a complete lack of service delivery. musanda is a Venda word that refers to the place where the thovhele (king), khosikhulu (paramountcies), khosi (chiefs), gota (headman), mukoma (petty headman), vhakoma (queen mother), vhatanuni (wives), vhakololo (princes/princesses), khadzi and makhadzi (royal aunts), ndumi (king/chiefs’ brother) and the rest of this royal structure resides. As such it also refers to the institution of royal governance. The proposed study aims to analyse the place of musanda as an institution within public service delivery and within the whole process of decentralization of services in the Thulamela Municipality. The study focuses mainly on the current public service delivery system of the government and the role of the institution of the musanda in that process. The basic service delivery system that receives direct attention falls under the Government Cluster, which covers Social Protection, and Community and Human Development. These divisions deal with Cooperative Governance and Traditional Affairs, Water and Sanitation, Human Settlements, Rural Development and Land Reform, Basic Education and Sports and Recreation. These are the services that are supposed to be rendered by municipalities. The analysis aims to determine musanda’s position in the whole process of providing the public services indicated above.