Ce travail analyse les dynamiques de reconfiguration socio-économique et identitaire auprès des groupes pastoraux habitant les régions rurales au sud de l’Ethiopie, à la frontière avec le Kenya. Les formes d’organisation sociale qui règlent l’accès à l’eau sont considérées en tant que principal outil d’analyse pour comprendre les dynamiques socio-culturelles de ces régions, et cela par la mise en exergue des relations, historiques et contemporaines, entre les populations locales, les autorités étatiques et les organisations internationales du développement et de l'aide humanitaire.Nous analysons les formes d’organisation sociale chez les populations nomades en prêtant une attention particulière aux problématiques d’eau, et plus largement au rapport entre « nature » et « société », dans l’étude de ces groupes. La complexité de l’imbrication sociale de l’eau, ressource dont le caractère naturel et ici mis en question, nous porte à focaliser sur d’autres domaines « extra-hydriques » : les processus de construction des identités ethniques dans les régions du sud-est éthiopien ; les enjeux liés aux intérêts de l’Etat éthiopien visant à incorporer les nomades dans l’ordre politique national ; les stratégies de contrôle du territoire mises en place par les populations locales vis-à-vis de l’Etat et des opérateurs des organisations internationales. Dans ce cadre, l’intervention d’acteurs internationaux est examinée en prenant en compte l'histoire des relations entre populations locales et ONGs – qui se trouve inscrite dans les points d’eau – et en situant les projets de développement dans la perspective dynamique d'une interaction et négociation matérielle et symbolique. / This thesis analyzes socio-economic reconfigurations among pastoral groups living in the southern Ethiopian lowlands on the border with Kenya. Forms of social organization that regulate water access are considered as the main analytical tool for understanding the socio-cultural dynamics in these regions, highlighting historical and contemporary relationships between pastoralists, state authorities and international aid actors.Our approach consists of merging two research axes: the analysis of pastoral social systems and the importance of water issues as part of a wider relationship between nature and society. The social embeddedness of water leads us to focus on the processes of ethnicity, which is used as a tool to analyze nomads’ incorporation in a national political order as well as their local strategies vis-à-vis the State. In this context, the involvement of international aid actors is examined, taking into account the history of NGO intervention and by locating development projects in a dynamic perspective of a material and symbolic negotiation. / « Antropologia politica della gestione dell’acqua in contestopastorale. Riconfigurazioni socioeconomiche ed identitarie presso i Garri del sud Etiopia traStato e ONG »Questa tesi analizza i processi di riconfigurazione sociale ed economica presso lepopolazioni pastorali nelle aree rurali del sud Etiopia, al confine con il Kenya. Le formed’organizzazione che regolano l'accesso all'acqua sono considerate come il principalestrumento per comprendere le dinamiche socio-culturali di queste regioni, evidenziando lerelazioni storiche e contemporanee tra le popolazioni locali, le autorità statali e leorganizzazioni internazionali dello sviluppo dell’aiuto umanitario.La nostra problematica é stata formulata analizzando, da un lato, i sistemi socialipastorali e, dall’altro lato, l’importanza della gestione dell’acqua e più in generale delrapporto tra natura e società nello studio di queste popolazioni. La complessità sociale dellarisorsa idrica ci porta a considerare il processo di costruzione delle identità etniche, l’interessedello stato etiope ad incorporare i nomadi nell'ordine politico nazionale e le strategie dicontrollo del territorio messe in atto dalla popolazione locale. In questo contesto, analizziamoil ruolo delle ONG e le dinamiche di negoziazione materiale e simbolica che hanno luogo nelquadro dei progetti di sviluppo.Se la gestione dei sistemi di irrigazione rappresenta il centro di interesse predominantenella letteratura antropologica sull’acqua, la gestione delle risorse idriche fornisce unaprospettiva di ricerca centrale per lo studio delle società pastorali. Il nostro punto di partenzaè la decostruzione della categoria analitica del « pastore nomade » per rendere conto deifattori economici, politici e socio-culturali in gioco nell’organizzazione dei sistemi sociali edelle pratiche di mobilità pastorali. A tal proposito mostriamo come gli stereotipi riguardol’irrazionalità ecologica della popolazioni pastorali hanno legittimato progetti di sviluppoagricolo e programmi di sedentarizzazione. Adottando un approccio simile a quello utilizzatoper la categoria di « pastore nomade », critichiamo un’idea dell’acqua come semplice risorsanaturale o come risorsa rara per analizzare il rapporto tra la gestione dell’acqua e ledinamiche più ampie di cambiamento sociale. In particolare, sviluppiamo l'analisi dell’acquacome operatore simbolico: a causa dell’associazione tra fattori socio-culturali e ambientalinell'organizzazione dell’accesso ai pozzi, l'acqua rappresenta una risorsa vitale per i pastori eper la riproduzione della comunità.

Submitted by Johnny Rodrigues (johnnyrodrigues@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-09-13T21:14:41Z No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIA DO SOCORRO RAMALHO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2011..pdf: 46430409 bytes, checksum: 6cbcedce0e8595a08e7fc021bb27f3f2 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-09-13T21:14:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 MARIA DO SOCORRO RAMALHO - DISSERTAÇÃO PPGCS 2011..pdf: 46430409 bytes, checksum: 6cbcedce0e8595a08e7fc021bb27f3f2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Este trabalho insere-se no campo da Antropologia Política, observando especificamente o comportamento eleitoral de uma agremiação política, cuja 'cultura partidária' apresenta traços peculiares no âmbito da tradição política brasileira. Pretende analisar de que maneira se opera a dialética entre a mudança de tática eleitoral e a cultura partidária do PT, estudando o "caso" da Paraíba. Partindo da análise histórica do desempenho do partido nas eleições estaduais (majoritária e proporcional) desde 1982 e culminando numa abordagem etnográfica do processo eleitoral de 2010, procuramos identificar os impactos da política de alianças na cultura partidária, no comportamento da militância e das lideranças, no desempenho eleitoral, bem como os seus influxos na dinâmica interna do partido e na sua imagem pública. / This work is inserted in the field of Political Anthropology, where it observes the electoral behavior of a political association whose "party culture" shows special features on the Brazilian political tradition. This study intends to analyze in which way occurs in PT the dialectic between the changing of electoral tactic and the party culture, focusing on the case of Paraíba. Based on the historical analysis of the party's accomplishment on the state elections (the major and the relative one) since 1982 and culminating in an ethnographic approach of the 2010 electoral process, we tried to identify the impacts of the alliances politics on the party culture, on the militancy and leaderships behavior over the electoral performance, as well as on its influences on the party internal dynamics and its public image.

Esta dissertação é um estudo antropológico a respeito do Partido Progressista Brasileiro-PPB, em Porto Alegre, durante as eleições municipais de 1996. Pretendendo ser uma contribuição para a temática da antropologia da política. O trabalho teve como objetivo desvelar os mecanismos de representação e práticas políticas do grupo de candidatos a vereador. Analisou-se como as biografias dos candidatos estão articuladas com as ações rituais do partido. O presente estudo possibilitou discutir, no âmbito das sociedades contemporâneas, os referenciais do ritual na política moderna, a família e sua importância como instituição na ação política, enfim as questões que são levadas em conta quando alguém quer se tornar candidato. / This dissertation is an anthropological study about the Progressive Brazilian Party (Partido Progressista Brasileiro - PPB) during the municipal election of 1996 in Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil. As a contribution to Political Anthropology, this research had as its goal to reveal the mechamisms of representation and the political practices of the candidates running for city councilors. The biographies of the candidates are compared with the ritual actions of the party. This study has made a discussion of the points to be considered when one wants to become a candidate, in the realm of contemporary societies, of the ritual references in modern politics, in the family and its importance as an active political institution.

Esta dissertação é um estudo antropológico a respeito do Partido Progressista Brasileiro-PPB, em Porto Alegre, durante as eleições municipais de 1996. Pretendendo ser uma contribuição para a temática da antropologia da política. O trabalho teve como objetivo desvelar os mecanismos de representação e práticas políticas do grupo de candidatos a vereador. Analisou-se como as biografias dos candidatos estão articuladas com as ações rituais do partido. O presente estudo possibilitou discutir, no âmbito das sociedades contemporâneas, os referenciais do ritual na política moderna, a família e sua importância como instituição na ação política, enfim as questões que são levadas em conta quando alguém quer se tornar candidato. / This dissertation is an anthropological study about the Progressive Brazilian Party (Partido Progressista Brasileiro - PPB) during the municipal election of 1996 in Porto Alegre, RS, Brazil. As a contribution to Political Anthropology, this research had as its goal to reveal the mechamisms of representation and the political practices of the candidates running for city councilors. The biographies of the candidates are compared with the ritual actions of the party. This study has made a discussion of the points to be considered when one wants to become a candidate, in the realm of contemporary societies, of the ritual references in modern politics, in the family and its importance as an active political institution.

Este trabalho pretende discutir como as relações com a alteridade operam politicamente entre os Guarani Mbya; de que maneira os seus movimentos, como a esquiva, conformam modos políticos de conduzir a incorporação do exterior, transformando posições e relações de poder. Tomado primeiramente a partir da dança do xondaro, personagem que remete a diferentes funções e a uma forma de relação, o movimento da esquiva irá além para ajudar a pensar as dinâmicas entre corpos, coletivos e mundos, contribuindo para suspender oposições exclusivas entre resistência e fuga. A esquiva (jeavy uka fazer errar) surge como um movimento nem exclusivamente positivo, nem negativo. Em termos políticos: não submete e tampouco deixa se submeter. A análise aborda também a prática da enganação conforme ela aparece em narrativas mitológicas guarani, cuja operação revela um mecanismo de crítica política na mitologia. Ao final, após revisitarmos oprocesso histórico da resistência guarani, chegamos ao contexto contemporâneoda luta indígena pelas demarcações, na qual desdobram-se atualizações de figuras-chaves da política ameríndia, como o xamã e o guerreiro. Assim, seja no passadoou no presente, busco demonstrar como a esquiva guarani é um movimentocapaz de produzir, de forma concomitante, possibilidades de resistência opostas einterdependentes. / This work intends to discuss how the relations with the alterity operate politically among the Guarani Mbya; in which manners their movements, such as the dodge, conform political ways to conduct the incorporation of the exterior, transforming power positions and relations. Taking into account, primarily, the dance of the xondaro, a figure that alludes to different functions and to a form of relation, the movement of the dodge goes beyond to help reflect about the dynamics of bodies, collectives and worlds, contributing to a suspension of exclusive oppositions between resistance and escape. The dodge (jeavy uka make mistake) appears as a movement, not exclusively positive, nor negative. In political terms: it does not submit nor submits oneself. The analysis addresses as well the practice of deceit, according to how it appears in the mythological guarani narratives, whose operation in the mythology reveals a mechanism of political critique. At the end, after revisiting the historical process of resistance of the guarani, one reaches to a contemporary context of indigenous struggle for land demarcation, in which are unfolded updates of key figures of the Amerindian politics, such as the xamã and the warrior. Thus, be it in the past or the present, the work here presented seeks to demonstrate how the guarani dodge is a movement capable of generate, in a concomitant manner, opposed and interdependent possibilities of resistance.

Cette thèse explore les liens entre les mobilités transnationales et les expériencessubjectivantes de Roms bulgares dont la vie quotidienne se situe à la fois en Bulgarie eten France. La réflexion porte sur les rapports entre une population et des États-nationsdans différents contextes, en observant le traitement politique spécifique de ces Romsminorisés, appréhendés comme différents et problématiques. Ce travail s’appuie sur uneethnographie translocale et multi-échelle afin de saisir les imbrications micro et macrodans la construction d’un problème public et politique (la « question rom ») commedans les expériences des migrants. D’une part, deux dispositifs politiques spécifiquesmis en place dans une agglomération française ont été observés au long cours etanalysés dans une approche généalogique, politique et ethnographique. D’autre part,plusieurs familles de migrants roms bulgares vivant en squat ont été suivies dans leurexpérience transnationale. En mettant en perspective la politique locale en direction deces migrants, leurs rapports à l’État et leurs dynamiques migratoires, cette thèsecontribue à une anthropologie politique et des migrations. Au-delà de leur captationdans des politiques oscillant entre exclusion et assimilation, en France comme enBulgarie, ces Roms bulgares jouent sur les frontières géographiques, sociales etidentitaires pour se réinventer. L’attention portée aux Roms comme acteurs amène uneréflexion sur leurs processus de subjectivation, entendus comme construction d’un sujetagissant sur lui-même en s’inscrivant dans des rapports de pouvoirs et de domination.Cette recherche constitue donc un apport à l’anthropologie du sujet. / This dissertation explores the links between transnational mobilities and experiences ofsubjectivation of Bulgarian Roma migrants whose daily life is both in Bulgaria andFrance. Reflection is conducted on the relationship between a population and nationstatesin different contexts, by observing the specific policy addressing these Romaperceived as inherently different and problematics. This work is based on a translocaland multi-scale ethnography to capture the linkages between micro and macro levels inthe construction of a public and political issue (the “Roma issue”), as in the experiencesof migrants. First, two specific policy measures put in place in a French locality wereobserved with a long term follow-up and analyzed in a historitical, political andethnographic approach. In addition, several families of Bulgarian Roma migrants livingin squats were followed in their transnational experiences. By putting in perspectivelocal policy towards these migrants, their relationship to State and their migrationdynamics, this thesis contributes both to political anthropology and anthropology ofmobility. In their daily life, these Roma manage to go beyond their enrolment inpolicies ranging from exclusion and assimilation in France as in Bulgaria: they play onthe geographic, social and identity boundaries in order to reinvent itself. Focusing onthe Roma as actors raises questions about their processes of subjectivation. The latterare understood as the ways in which subjects are “made” in action both on themselvesand others within relations of power and domination. This research therefore provides acontribution to the anthropology of the subject.

Dans la dernière décennie, une abondante littérature a documenté la situation des Rroms d'Europe Centrale et de l'Est, où a émergé une nouvelle élite politiquement activiste. Mais chez les Tsiganes d'Europe de l'Ouest, l’activisme politique d’une élite semblait absent. Cette étude de terrain a été réalisée chez Gitans de Perpignan, à la recherche d’une action et d’une élite politique chez ce groupe, dans le contexte culturel d’une société segmentaire à pouvoir diffus, frappée d’exclusion par la société majoritaire. En effet, je propose que le concept de société segmentaire puisse s’appliquer aux Gitans, et que l’exclusion des Gitans par les païos (non Gitans) constitue un déni de la réalité relationnelle des Gitans avec la majorité païa. Enfin, l’enquête a révélé la position de «médiateurs culturels» des différents agents qui interviennent entre le monde des Gitans et celui des païos. C’est à travers le rôle de «médiateurs culturels» qu’émerge peut-être une élite politique. / In the last decade, a wealth of literature has documented the situation of Rroma living in Central and Eastern Europe, in a context in which there has emerged new elite and new forms of political action. Among Western Europe’s Romani, political activism and elites seemed to be absent. This fieldwork has been done with certain types of elites among the Gypsies of Perpignan seeking to encourage political action, in the cultural context of a segmentary society with diffuse power which is faced with various forms of socio-economic exclusion by mainstream society. In this analysis, I suggest that exclusion by the païos (non Gypsies) is a denial of the relational reality of the Gypsies with the païa majority. Finally, this fieldwork has revealed the position of the cultural brokers, a role played by various agents intervening between Gypsies and non gypsies worlds. I argue that it is through the cultural broker’s role that political elite may emerge.

This thesis is an institutional ethnography of the Nigeria Police Force. It concentrates on evidence from 18 months of fieldwork in one particular police station, in the pseudonymised town of Dutsin Bature in central Nigeria, and draws comparative evidence from examples and locations elsewhere in Nigeria. The fieldwork evidence is also supported by analyses of public discourse, literature reviews, some formal interviews and historical research. The thesis aims to fill a gap in empirical scholarship by looking at policing in Nigeria primarily from the level of everyday practice, and deriving understandings of the ways the overall system works, rather than by taking normative structural approaches and basing suppositions of actual behaviour upon these. It also aims to document emic perspectives on policing in Nigeria, in contrast to most existing scholarship and public discourse which takes an external perspective, from which the voices and worldviews of police themselves are absent. The thesis situates this ethnography within three theoretical terrains. First, developing understandings of policing and public security in Africa, which have often neglected in-depth studies of formal police forces. Secondly, enlarging the ethnographic study of formal institutions in African states, to develop a closer understanding of what state systems are and how they function, beyond the overtly dysfunctionalist perspectives which have dominated recent scholarship. Thirdly, informing ongoing debates over state and society in Africa, problematising understandings which see these as separate entities instead of mutually constitutive, and drawing attention to the ways in which the two interpenetrate and together mould the public sphere. The thesis begins with a historical overview of the trajectory of formal policing in Nigeria, then examines public understandings and representations of policing, before moving inside the institutional boundaries, considering in turn the human composition of the police, training and character formation, the way police officers do their work in Dutsin Bature, Nigerian police officers’ preoccupation with risk and the systemic effects of their efforts to mitigate it, and finally officers’ subjective perspectives on their work, their lived realities, and on Nigeria in an era of transition. These build together to suggest some conclusions pertinent to the theoretical perspectives.

Mémoire numérisé par la Division de la gestion de documents et des archives de l'Université de Montréal.

Dans la dernière décennie, une abondante littérature a documenté la situation des Rroms d'Europe Centrale et de l'Est, où a émergé une nouvelle élite politiquement activiste. Mais chez les Tsiganes d'Europe de l'Ouest, l’activisme politique d’une élite semblait absent. Cette étude de terrain a été réalisée chez Gitans de Perpignan, à la recherche d’une action et d’une élite politique chez ce groupe, dans le contexte culturel d’une société segmentaire à pouvoir diffus, frappée d’exclusion par la société majoritaire. En effet, je propose que le concept de société segmentaire puisse s’appliquer aux Gitans, et que l’exclusion des Gitans par les païos (non Gitans) constitue un déni de la réalité relationnelle des Gitans avec la majorité païa. Enfin, l’enquête a révélé la position de «médiateurs culturels» des différents agents qui interviennent entre le monde des Gitans et celui des païos. C’est à travers le rôle de «médiateurs culturels» qu’émerge peut-être une élite politique. / In the last decade, a wealth of literature has documented the situation of Rroma living in Central and Eastern Europe, in a context in which there has emerged new elite and new forms of political action. Among Western Europe’s Romani, political activism and elites seemed to be absent. This fieldwork has been done with certain types of elites among the Gypsies of Perpignan seeking to encourage political action, in the cultural context of a segmentary society with diffuse power which is faced with various forms of socio-economic exclusion by mainstream society. In this analysis, I suggest that exclusion by the païos (non Gypsies) is a denial of the relational reality of the Gypsies with the païa majority. Finally, this fieldwork has revealed the position of the cultural brokers, a role played by various agents intervening between Gypsies and non gypsies worlds. I argue that it is through the cultural broker’s role that political elite may emerge.