<p>Mångkultur har idag blivit ett begrepp för att tillskriva det svenska samhället ett visst tillstånd. I den här studien så utreds artiklar, bloggforum och SOU rapporter för att belysa hur svårt det är att föra ett kritiskt samtal kring det mångkulturella samhället. Ethno-Chic är en studie inom begreppet politisk korrekthet och dess diskursiva sammanhang i migrationsdebatten. Analysen leder till resonemanget att det politiskt korrekta har blivit en konsekvens av det antirasistiska, detta i sin tur har lett till att texter ständigt står under analys för vad som kan uppfattas som främlingsfientligt.</p> / <p>Ethno-Chic is a study of the discoursive appearance of the term political correctness in the Swedish debate on migration.</p>

The aim of this study is to quantify the extent to which political correctness, understood as an implicit social convention of restraint on public expression, operates within a community. Due to a scarcity of prior experimental research in the area, a new method was developed for the purpose of the study. Using random selection, the treatment consists of exposing groups averaging 10 individuals to a survey on diversity and immigration matters. The effect is measured as the discrepancy in attitudes that is revealed between anonymous and non-anonymous responses to the treatment survey. Control groups are similarly exposed to a survey on traditional left-right matters. The discrepancies are then compared. The results are controlled for possible influence by factors including group size, sex ratio, and length of study. The general effect of the treatment is not statistically significant, possibly as a result of small sample size. Further analysis shows a significant positive correlation between the proportion of women and the extent of attitude discrepancy. On one interpretation, this means that women in the population are on average more responsive to political correctness than men. Due to the population’s skewed characteristics, the results are not generalised. Future researchers in the area are advised to draw their sample from a more representative population, to investigate additional subject matters and to collect more sophisticated data, in particular on the level of the individual.

Mångkultur har idag blivit ett begrepp för att tillskriva det svenska samhället ett visst tillstånd. I den här studien så utreds artiklar, bloggforum och SOU rapporter för att belysa hur svårt det är att föra ett kritiskt samtal kring det mångkulturella samhället. Ethno-Chic är en studie inom begreppet politisk korrekthet och dess diskursiva sammanhang i migrationsdebatten. Analysen leder till resonemanget att det politiskt korrekta har blivit en konsekvens av det antirasistiska, detta i sin tur har lett till att texter ständigt står under analys för vad som kan uppfattas som främlingsfientligt. / Ethno-Chic is a study of the discoursive appearance of the term political correctness in the Swedish debate on migration.

This essay is premised on two assumptions: first, that concepts change their meaning; second, that the examination of the relationship between language and action - two central components of the public sphere - illuminates the process of change. Three models of conceptual change are critically discussed through their language-action axis. The first, adduced by German historian of concepts Reinhart Koselleck, assumes that conceptual change results from a gap between language and action. The second, put forward by historian of political thought Quentin Skinner, argues that conceptual change is produced by political theorists that are doing something when writing; language, according to this model is (sometimes) a form of action. The third model is derived from the American PC movement, which, it is argued here, presents us with a theory and a practice of conceptual change. According to this model, conceptual change results from a deliberate change of language by social agents. Language, as maintained by this model, is the world; action cannot be discussed separately from language since everything exists only through language. As we move from one model to the next we see that the place language assumes in both political theory and practice is increasing in relation to, and at the expense of, action. This essay argues that the mid-twentieth century "linguistic turn," coupled with the growing influence of postmodernism on political theory and practice, results in a distorted picture of the polls. This weakens the ability of political theory to make intelligible the world around us, and also its effectiveness as a guide for action. This tendency must be remedied i f political theory and practice wishes to remain relevant to the public sphere.

Submitted by MATEUS PRANZETTI PAUL GRUDA null (mateusbeatle@hotmail.com) on 2016-01-15T19:41:10Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Tese Mateus _exemplar final_ [jan.2016].pdf: 2782999 bytes, checksum: 597b4f0c18de10ac7445887529c27afb (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Juliano Benedito Ferreira (julianoferreira@reitoria.unesp.br) on 2016-01-18T12:12:48Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 gruda_mpp_dr_assis_par.pdf: 1686918 bytes, checksum: e3980756ce68b720ff6037c572481806 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-01-18T12:12:48Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gruda_mpp_dr_assis_par.pdf: 1686918 bytes, checksum: e3980756ce68b720ff6037c572481806 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-12-18 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior (CAPES) / Fundação de Amparo à Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo (FAPESP) / O discurso humorístico e seus mecanismos de funcionamento têm tido presença constante nas mais distintas instâncias da vida cotidiana. Atualmente os métodos pedagógicos devem ser divertidos, a maioria das propagandas publicitárias investe em uma abordagem humorística e, dentre tantas outras modalidades, as manifestações políticas devem ser bem humoradas. Nas últimas décadas, o chamado “humor politicamente incorreto” ganhou destaque e tem gerado inúmeras discussões e conflitos acerca dos limites do humor, do que poderia ser considerado humorístico ou não e, evidentemente, os conflitos desse tipo de humor com um, por vezes suposto e por vezes factível, policiamento do politicamente correto – o qual pode ser compreendido como uma forma exagerada de regular a linguagem, pensamento e as condutas, ou como algo necessário para promover normatizações na esfera pública. Dado esse contexto, buscamos refletir sobre como o humorismo politicamente incorreto é constituído e suas dialéticas possibilidades de produzir sentidos, sobretudo pela sua capacidade de reforçar ou atacar a ordem estabelecida. Acompanhamos a ideia de Billig que o humor é paradoxal por ser: a) universal e particular; b) gregário e excludente e c) analisável e resistente a análises. Nessa perspectiva, apresentamos uma clivagem do humor politicamente incorreto em dois polos, crítico e acrítico, formalizando características e consequências comuns a ambos, bem como descrevendo e analisando exemplos a fim de dar materialidade a estes “tipos” de humor. Delineamos também os conflitos existentes entre o humor politicamente incorreto e o discurso do politicamente correto visando, principalmente, desconstruir a ideia de que vivenciaríamos uma pretensa “ditadura do politicamente correto” (capitaneada pelas chamadas minorias), vez que a efetiva ditadura é aquela “silenciosa”, porém hegemônica e dominante, fundada no regime do Capital. Destarte, enfatizamos o caráter político de tudo; o humor incluso. / Humour discourse and its mechanisms of working have been constantly presented within several instances of quotidian life nowadays. Currently the pedagogical methods should be fun; most of the advertising invests in a humorous approach; political manifestations should have good humour involved; amidst many others. In the last decades the so-called “politically incorrect humour” gained featured and has generated numerous discussions about limits of humour, what could be considered humorous or not and the conflicts between that type of humour and the political correctness, which can be comprehend as a extreme policy of language, thoughts and behaviours or as something necessary to proceed to standardisations on the public sphere. From those questions, we sought reflecting regarding how politically incorrect humour is constituted and its dialectical possibilities of producing meanings, mainly for both the abilities of reinforcing or attacking the current order. Following Billig’s idea that humour is paradoxical for being: 1) universal and particular; 2) gregarious and exclusionary; and 3) analysable and resist to analysis. We present the politically incorrect humour torn between two poles, critical and uncritical, formalising common characteristics and consequences of both, describing and analysing examples as well to give materiality of those “types” of humour. Unpacking the conflicts between the politically incorrect humour and the politically correct discourse mainly for deconstructing the idea that in the current times we are living under an alleged “dictatorship of political correctness” (commanded by the so-called minorities), since the effective dictatorship is the “silent” one, although hegemonic and dominant, founded on the regime of Capital. Hence, we stress the political character of everything; humour included. / FAPESP: 2011/14832-2 / CAPES: 99999.005605.2014-02

Esta pesquisa investiga os sentidos, valores e discursos circulantes que emergem nas páginas da imprensa em torno da categoria \"politicamente correto\", observando suas relações com a liberdade de expressão e formas de controle da produção discursiva. A partir de matérias da Folha de S. Paulo, no período de 1991 a 2014, pesquisamos as transformações do politicamente correto no Brasil e as regulações por ele estabelecidas. Embasamo-nos, nesse percurso, nas proposições de Michel Foucault sobre a arqueologia dos discursos, de modo que as matérias jornalísticas devem ser tomadas como acontecimentos discursivos, isto é, como vestígios materiais que servem de base à \"escavação\" de plataformas culturais, saberes e regras sócio-históricas que condicionam a emergência de enunciados e discursos. Nossos resultados apontam para a emergência do politicamente correto como categoria em disputa no debate público, inserida em um contexto de reposicionamentos dos saberes sobre liberdade de expressão, e para o papel decisivo do jornalismo na introdução dessa expressão nas discussões que se travam na esfera pública brasileira. O posicionamento assumido pelo jornalismo remete a um imaginário discursivo sobre a democracia, o que também tem seu papel na consolidação da legitimidade e do lugar de fala da imprensa. De modo correlato, a discussão pública sobre o politicamente correto no Brasil mostra-se profundamente polarizada. Por fim, a emergência da categoria \"politicamente correto\" como forma de denominar processos de regulação sobre a linguagem reflete - e também determina - a centralidade e a visibilidade adquiridas por esse fenômeno em nossa cultura: centralidade da linguagem, de modo amplo, como mediadora das relações sociais; centralidade do individual na condução de ações políticas; centralidade do paradigma de circulação de ideias - e, por conseguinte, visibilidade das formas de controle da expressão, entendidas cada vez mais como intoleráveis. / This research investigates the senses, values and circulating discourses that emerge in the pages of the press around the category \"political correctness\". Our goal is to understand the relationship between such category, freedom of expression and forms of control of discursive production. From journalistic texts published by Folha de S. Paulo, in the period from 1991 to 2014, we researched the transformation of political correctness in Brazil and the regulations laid down by it. In this journey, we base ourselves on Michel Foucault\'s propositions on the archeology of speeches; so that the newspaper articles should be taken as discursive events, as material evidence underpinning the excavation of cultural platforms, knowledge and socio-historical rules that constrain the emergence of statements and speeches. Our results show the emergence of political correctness as a category in dispute in the public debate, set on a repositioning context of knowledge on freedom of expression, as well as the decisive role of journalism in the introduction of the expression \"political correctness\" in the discussions which take place in Brazilian public sphere. The position assumed by journalism refers to an imaginary discourse on democracy, which also plays a role in the consolidation of legitimacy and place of speech of the press. At the same time, the public discussion of political correctness in Brazil shows up deeply polarized. Finally, the emergence of the category \"political correctness \" as a way of giving a name to processes of language regulation reflects - and also determines - the centrality and visibility acquired by this phenomenon in our culture: the centrality of language, broadly, mediating social relationships; centrality of the individual in the conduct of policy actions; centrality of the circulation of ideas - and therefore visibility of control strategies of expression, increasingly understood as intolerable.

The aim of this essay was to investigate the knowledge of, and attitudes towards unbiased English usage amongst Swedish upper secondary school students. For the purpose of this study, a survey was carried out at an upper secondary school in southern Sweden. In the theoretical background section, terms such as political correctness and gender-neutral language use are defined. In addition, references are made to studies in the United States and Europe on students’ awareness of these aspects of language. For the present study, a survey was carried out in which 41 students answered 13 questions in written form. The students attend their third year at four different programmes at upper secondary school. The results show that a majority of the students are very aware of the sensitivity of referring to persons of colour, and they are even afraid of being perceived as racists if they use terms such as black American. As regards non-sexist language use, the Swedish students were aware of the fact that terms such as firefighter and police officer can be used to designate both men and women. However, the students have little knowledge of the title Ms and of the neutral alternative to chairman, chair.

This essay is premised on two assumptions: first, that concepts change their meaning; second, that the examination of the relationship between language and action - two central components of the public sphere - illuminates the process of change. Three models of conceptual change are critically discussed through their language-action axis. The first, adduced by German historian of concepts Reinhart Koselleck, assumes that conceptual change results from a gap between language and action. The second, put forward by historian of political thought Quentin Skinner, argues that conceptual change is produced by political theorists that are doing something when writing; language, according to this model is (sometimes) a form of action. The third model is derived from the American PC movement, which, it is argued here, presents us with a theory and a practice of conceptual change. According to this model, conceptual change results from a deliberate change of language by social agents. Language, as maintained by this model, is the world; action cannot be discussed separately from language since everything exists only through language. As we move from one model to the next we see that the place language assumes in both political theory and practice is increasing in relation to, and at the expense of, action. This essay argues that the mid-twentieth century "linguistic turn," coupled with the growing influence of postmodernism on political theory and practice, results in a distorted picture of the polls. This weakens the ability of political theory to make intelligible the world around us, and also its effectiveness as a guide for action. This tendency must be remedied i f political theory and practice wishes to remain relevant to the public sphere. / Arts, Faculty of / Political Science, Department of / Graduate

ii Abstract The topic of his thesis, "Social Sustainability", arising from the social sciences, specifically sociology, has naturally its core focus on society and its functioning. To be more exact, the functioning of society in context of integration, which is an ever more growing topic in the globalised world we live in. In relation to this thesis, an integrational project/workshop has been carried out at a folk high school, Brandbjerg, in Denmark, with the purpose to practically test, the methodological measurability of change in subjectivity. Worth mentioning, that the hosting community, in terms of immigration, was in focus and its perception on variation of habitus. Hereto, Q-Methodology from William Stephenson functioned as the foundation for the development of the workshop, as well as it aided the analysis of the therefrom taken data, to determine a change in the participants subjectivity. The aim of this practical implementation, was to put the findings into perspective of the theoretical framework of sustainability, specifically social sustainability. The findings served in combination with face to face interaction as part of social integration, to underline the need for sustainable integration and an alteration of social sustainability upon further research. A tendency was determined as being the...

This thesis examines how 'othering' discourse can be used to construct and negotiate boundaries and shape collective identities within online spaces. Through a mixed-method approach of thematic analysis and a netnographic study, and by drawing on theoretical concepts of online othering and identity formation, this thesis explores how the Gamergate community r/KotakuInAction can be understood in relation to Gamergate, the Alt-Right and society at large. The results show that the community perceive and construct the SJW as a common adversary – a monstrous representation of feminism, progressiveness and political correctness. The analysis also revealed how racist rhetorics and white male anxieties characterize the communitys' othering discourse. Through an in-depth study of user-submitted comment, this thesis argues that r/KotakuInAction's collective identity is fluid and reactionary in nature, characterized by a discourse that is indicative of Alt-Right ideology and white male supremacy. Future research should further explore the network of communities that r/KotakuInAction is part of, as well as examine how the community transform over time.