The advent of climate change promises extreme disruptions to existing concepts of political time, namely the distinction between the modes of time adopted by modern nation-states, natural time, and the everyday life of human beings. Yet the nation-state remains the primary actor through which climate politics is shaped. India is one the most prominent actors in the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC) and also likely to be one of the most climate-affected societies moving forward. Over the 30-year history of India's engagement at the UNFCCC, there has been a shift from constructing a secular, past-oriented imaginary to a sacred, future-oriented one. The state has fostered these temporal imaginaries through three discursive registers: international politics, climate science, and conservative Hindu ideology. These imaginaries act as a heuristic tool with which to analyze the changing dynamics of political temporality in an era of rapid and extreme climate change. / Doctor of Philosophy / Climate change challenges fundamental notion of political time, the temporal relationship that embeds actors and processes. Yet this topic is underanalyzed in academic literature, especially when it comes to non-Western states. India has been one of the most prominent actors at the United Nations climate negotiations and also likely to be heavily affected by extreme climate shifts. Over the 30-year history of the UN Framework Convention on Climate Change (UNFCCC), the Indian government has framed the temporality of climate change in two ways. First, from 1988-2004, it constructed and followed a secular, past-oriented imaginary of climate change. Beginning in 2005, and accelerating with the election of Prime Minister Modi in 2014, the government has begun to construct and follow a sacred, future-oriented imaginary. In this way, the State has moved from rhetorically framing climate change as a significant problem to an opportunity that can be met if India and other societies follow conservative Hindu precepts.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O Nacional-socialismo representou, ao negar os princípios centrais da modernidade ocidental, a idéia de uma outra modernidade baseada, ao mesmo tempo, no resgate e na projeção futura das antigas glórias da nação germânica. Neste sentido, o filme O Triunfo da Vontade da cineasta alemã Leni Riefenstahl aparece como a grande representação estética do nazismo, traduzindo em imagens os principais aspectos da ideologia nacional-socialista. Ao trabalhar com extrema genialidade todo um conjunto de referências simbólicas e míticas presentes no imaginário alemão, Riefenstahl construiu, portanto, uma das mais impactantes peças de divulgação do regime hitlerista, apresentando ao mundo os ideais do Terceiro Reich e a força da nova Alemanha. / The National Socialism, as it denied the basic principles of the occidental modernism, represented the idea of another modernity based on the rescue and the future projection of the past glories of the Germanic nation. In this sense, the movie Triumph of the Will produced by the German film-maker Leni Riefenstahl appears as the great representation of the Nazism esthetics, showing through images the main aspects of the National Socialist ideology. By working every symbolic and mythical reference presented in the German imagination with a great geniality, Riefenstahl built one of the most impacting instruments of distribution of the Hitler regime, showing to the world the ideals of the Third Reich and the strength of the New Germany.

Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / O Nacional-socialismo representou, ao negar os princípios centrais da modernidade ocidental, a idéia de uma outra modernidade baseada, ao mesmo tempo, no resgate e na projeção futura das antigas glórias da nação germânica. Neste sentido, o filme O Triunfo da Vontade da cineasta alemã Leni Riefenstahl aparece como a grande representação estética do nazismo, traduzindo em imagens os principais aspectos da ideologia nacional-socialista. Ao trabalhar com extrema genialidade todo um conjunto de referências simbólicas e míticas presentes no imaginário alemão, Riefenstahl construiu, portanto, uma das mais impactantes peças de divulgação do regime hitlerista, apresentando ao mundo os ideais do Terceiro Reich e a força da nova Alemanha. / The National Socialism, as it denied the basic principles of the occidental modernism, represented the idea of another modernity based on the rescue and the future projection of the past glories of the Germanic nation. In this sense, the movie Triumph of the Will produced by the German film-maker Leni Riefenstahl appears as the great representation of the Nazism esthetics, showing through images the main aspects of the National Socialist ideology. By working every symbolic and mythical reference presented in the German imagination with a great geniality, Riefenstahl built one of the most impacting instruments of distribution of the Hitler regime, showing to the world the ideals of the Third Reich and the strength of the New Germany.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento CientÃfico e TecnolÃgico / Observando a realidade textual da notÃcia como objeto sociolÃgico, o trabalho em questÃo discute os modos pelos quais um governo estadual produz uma imagem de si e de seu papel por meio de narrativas oficiais de noticiamento. Tomando um corpus de informes e documentos publicados pelo Executivo do estado do CearÃ, entre os anos de 2010 e 2012, a pesquisa atravessa o conjunto de estratÃgias de tratamento do imaginÃrio polÃtico e analisa a importÃncia da produÃÃo do feito. Por feito, entende-se aqui a descriÃÃo pÃblica e oficial de uma aÃÃo governamental, valorizada e difundida como forma de legitimaÃÃo das prÃticas do poder do Estado e de uma gestÃo especÃfica. Percebe-se, assim, que o segundo governo de Cid Ferreira Gomes, no CearÃ, opera uma noÃÃo de modernidade como bandeira do desenvolvimento, criando, ao mesmo tempo, um novo formato de exposiÃÃo das realizaÃÃes administrativas no sentido de um sistema perito â um saber codificado para todos os que estÃo fora de sua produÃÃo imediata. Compreende-se, tambÃm, que a notÃcia, como aÃÃo institucional, constrÃi os feitos sempre como fatos positivos, criando uma espÃcie de curriculum para o Estado e para o governo e apropriando-se de uma cultura polÃtica fundada na relevÃncia da imagem, da validaÃÃo por meio da comunicaÃÃo massiva. / Observing the textual reality in the news as a sociological purpose, the study in question discusses the way of the state government produces its own image through the officials narratives of the reports. Using a corpus of informs and documents, published by the Executive of the state of Cearà between the years 2010 and 2012, this research passes the conjunct of strategies of the imaginary treatment political and analyzes the importance of production of the feat. The feat is understood here how the official public description of the governmental action, appreciated and diffused as a form of legitimation, and practice from the power of State and a specific administration. We realize that the second government of Cid Ferreira Gomes in state of Cearà operate a notion of modernization how a standard of development, creating at the same time a new shape of exposition of administrative realizations in the direction and adept system a codified lore to all that are out of a imediate production. We also understand that the news, as an institutional action, construct the feat always as positive facts, creating a short of curriculum for the State and the government and appropriating the politic culture based in the imageÂs relevance and validation through the mass communication.

Submitted by Maria Dulce (mdulce@ndc.uff.br) on 2014-02-17T18:58:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Coutinho, Renato-Tese-2013.pdf: 8227851 bytes, checksum: 5a48620968fff21bce9dcb379b26225d (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-02-17T18:58:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Coutinho, Renato-Tese-2013.pdf: 8227851 bytes, checksum: 5a48620968fff21bce9dcb379b26225d (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013 / O trabalho tem como objetivo investigar os fatores que contribuíram para a popularidade e para a abrangência nacional do Clube de Regatas do Flamengo. O período analisado – 1933 a 1955 – foi marcado pela implantação do regime profissional no clube e pelo progressivo processo de fidelização de torcedores em todo território nacional. As campanhas de marketing das gestões dos presidentes José Bastos Padilha e Gilberto Cardoso serão interpretadas a fim de associar a construção da identidade do clube mais popular do Brasil aos símbolos e valores sociais correntes no imaginário político nacionalista divulgado pela propaganda estatal nas décadas de 1930 e 1940. / The study aims to investigate the factors that contributed to the popularity and the national influence of the Clube de Regatas do Flamengo. The period – 1930 to 1955 – was marked by the implementation of professionalism and by the gradual process of loyalty of fans nationwide. Marketing campaigns in efforts of presidents José Bastos Padilha and Gilberto Cardoso will be interpreted to involve the construction of the identity of Brazil’s most popular club symbols and social values in the current political imaginary nationalist released by state propaganda in the 1930s and 1940s.

La mixité raciale, caractéristique de la physionomie et de la culture des Mexicains, est rarement représentée dans la publicité de ce pays. La recherche proposée ici aborde le métissage biologique et culturel, en tant que figure sensible au sein de l'imaginaire, l'imagerie et plus particulièrement l'affiche publicitaire au Mexique. Cela procède d'une grille de significations constitutives d'un système d'identités collectives. Il faut, pour comprendre ce système, revenir aux origines des stéréotypes et des isotopies visuelles contribuant à maintenir un point de vue dépréciateur sur la population métisse à travers le langage mythographique de la publicité. Dans une perspective multidisciplinaire, sous l'obédience des sciences de l'information et de la communication, sont étudiées aussi les entités et les moyens de communication ayant contribué, dès la colonisation du Mexique au XVIe siècle, au renouvellement des croyances exprimant le rejet des personnes métisses et indiennes. La prééminence du verbal, imposée souvent comme une forme de rationalité à l'étude des langages figuratifs, rend particulièrement complexe l'étude du rapport entre l'écriture des images et l'imaginaire politique. Nous procédons ici à une description historique et communicationnelle de la formation iconique et sémiotique de la figure du métissage au Mexique. À travers les productions discursives les plus notables de chaque période, s'opère l'émergence du sens par l'investissement des régimes de signification dans la figure métisse et ses occurrences sensibles. / Mixed race physiognomy and native culture of mexican population are rarely exposed in advertising in that country. This research deals with biological and cultural mestizaje as a visual figure. Presented in mexican advertising, it takes part of the grid of meanings behind the collective identities system. This work tackles the origins of stereotypes and visual isotopies leading to maintain, through the mythographic language of images, an unfavorable opinion on the mixed race population. Entities and Media having contributed to maintian in place these beliefs since the colonization of Mexico in the sixteenth century, are studied in a multidisciplinary, communication defined perspective.The rule of verbal, often imposed as a form of rationality in the study of figurative language, as well as the strategies performed by the Establishment to refuse any questioning about its legitimacy, make particularly complex the study of the relationship between images setting and political imaginary. We therefore propose a historic observation of the construction of the mestizaje's figure in Mexico, through the most significant visual productions of each period. This observation should lead to understand the emergence of sens as the investment that meaning systems have on mestizaje figure and its sensitive recurrences.

This thesis argues that the end of Soviet Marxism and a bipolar global political imaginary at the dissolution of the short Twentieth Century poses an obstacle for anti-systemic political action. Such a blockage of alternate political imaginaries can be discerned by reading the work of Francis Fukuyama and "Endism" as performative invocations of the closure of political alternatives, and thus as an ideological proclamation which enables and constrains forms of social action. It is contended that the search through dialectical thought for a competing universal to posit against "liberal democracy" is a fruitless one, because it reinscribes the terms of teleological theories of history which work to effect closure. Rather, constructing a phenomenological analytic of the political conjuncture, the thesis suggests that the figure of messianism without a Messiah is central to a deconstructive reframing of the possibilities of political action - a reframing attentive to the rhetorical tone of texts. The project of recovering the political is viewed through a phenomenological lens. An agonistic political distinction must be made so as to memorialise the remainders and ghosts of progress, and thus to gesture towards an indeconstructible justice which would serve as a horizon for the articulation of an empty universal. This project is furthered by a return to a certain phenomenology inspired by Cornelius Castoriadis, Claude Lefort, Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Ernesto Laclau. The thesis provides a reading of Jacques Derrida and Walter Benjamin as thinkers of a minor universalism, a non-prescriptive utopia, and places their work in the context of new understandings of religion and the political as quasi-transcendentals which can be utilised to think through the aporias of political time in order to grasp shards of meaning. Derrida and Chantal Mouffe's deconstructive critique and supplement to Carl Schmitt's concept of the political is read as suggestive of a reframing of political thought which would leave the political question open and thus enable the articulation of social imaginary significations able to inscribe meaning in the field of political action. Thus, the thesis gestures towards a form of thought which enables rather than constrains action under the sign of justice.

BENEVIDES, Mário Henrique Castro. A política das falas e o tempo das imagens: narrativas governamentais no Ceará. 2014. 203f. – Tese (Doutorado) – Universidade Federal do Ceará, Programa de Pós-graduação em Sociologia, Fortaleza (CE), 2014. / Submitted by Márcia Araújo (marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-04-01T11:58:57Z No. of bitstreams: 1 2014-TESE-MHCBENEVIDES.pdf: 3471050 bytes, checksum: f340d459b9e4a4ee5fecdbd69451dee0 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Márcia Araújo(marcia_m_bezerra@yahoo.com.br) on 2014-04-01T12:01:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 2014-TESE-MHCBENEVIDES.pdf: 3471050 bytes, checksum: f340d459b9e4a4ee5fecdbd69451dee0 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2014-04-01T12:01:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 2014-TESE-MHCBENEVIDES.pdf: 3471050 bytes, checksum: f340d459b9e4a4ee5fecdbd69451dee0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014 / Observing the textual reality in the news as a sociological purpose, the study in question discusses the way of the state government produces its own image through the officials narratives of the reports. Using a corpus of informs and documents, published by the Executive of the state of Ceará between the years 2010 and 2012, this research passes the conjunct of strategies of the imaginary treatment political and analyzes the importance of production of the feat. The feat is understood here how the official public description of the governmental action, appreciated and diffused as a form of legitimation, and practice from the power of State and a specific administration. We realize that the second government of Cid Ferreira Gomes in state of Ceará operate a notion of modernization how a standard of development, creating at the same time a new shape of exposition of administrative realizations in the direction and adept system a codified lore to all that are out of a imediate production. We also understand that the news, as an institutional action, construct the feat always as positive facts, creating a short of curriculum for the State and the government and appropriating the politic culture based in the image´s relevance and validation through the mass communication. / Observando a realidade textual da notícia como objeto sociológico, o trabalho em questão discute os modos pelos quais um governo estadual produz uma imagem de si e de seu papel por meio de narrativas oficiais de noticiamento. Tomando um corpus de informes e documentos publicados pelo Executivo do estado do Ceará, entre os anos de 2010 e 2012, a pesquisa atravessa o conjunto de estratégias de tratamento do imaginário político e analisa a importância da produção do feito. Por feito, entende-se aqui a descrição pública e oficial de uma ação governamental, valorizada e difundida como forma de legitimação das práticas do poder do Estado e de uma gestão específica. Percebe-se, assim, que o segundo governo de Cid Ferreira Gomes, no Ceará, opera uma noção de modernidade como bandeira do desenvolvimento, criando, ao mesmo tempo, um novo formato de exposição das realizações administrativas no sentido de um sistema perito – um saber codificado para todos os que estão fora de sua produção imediata. Compreende-se, também, que a notícia, como ação institucional, constrói os feitos sempre como fatos positivos, criando uma espécie de curriculum para o Estado e para o governo e apropriando-se de uma cultura política fundada na relevância da imagem, da validação por meio da comunicação massiva.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-05-07T14:46:39Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 arquivototal.pdf: 1726881 bytes, checksum: 37e50bb8891a520864ff5df5f0541cad (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-04-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / The complex relationship that involves the fields of communication and politics, having as backdrop the search for power, has found in the technology and media modernization, the propitious environment to its growth. There were several changes in postmodern society that passed to dispose of the media space, especially the broadcast media, mainly the television, as a fundamental source of information, entertainment and visibility. Being aware about the media possibilities, the political actor has developed a strategic game based on spectacle and administration of his visibility, acting and spreading from that huge media stage, archetypal images carefully constructed. So, this study aims to analyze the politic spectacle phenomenon in Paraiba State broadcasting, reflecting about the Cabo Branco TV stance in one of the most heated political disputes of Paraiba State that culminated with Cassio Cunha Lima victory. Therefore, this work starts of an interdisciplinary approach and analyzes the final debate video among the candidates for governor of Paraiba, in the 2006 elections. The study is based on communication, sociology and politics theories and studies of the collective imaginary. Complementing this exhibition, there are some newspapers stories published by O Norte newspaper, as well as articles of the Brazilian Electoral Law, whose attempt to regulate the actions of the media have been a constant throughout the history of elections in Brazil. Thus, we seek in the theoretical framework proposed bring out clarifications about the possibility of a strategic use of image, verbal and manipulative conduct in 2006 s debate. So, it is questioned about this broadcast the intention to manage differently, the two government candidates visibility in that year on a space delimitated by audiovisual field. / A complexa relação que envolve os campos da comunicação e da política, tendo como pano de fundo a busca pelo poder, encontrou, na modernização da tecnologia e dos meios de comunicação, o ambiente propício para o seu desenvolvimento. Várias foram as transformações na sociedade pós moderna, que passou a dispor do espaço midiático, sobretudo dos meios de comunicação audiovisuais, principalmente a televisão, como fonte fundamental de informação, entretenimento e visibilidade. Ciente das possibilidades do meio, o ator político desenvolveu um jogo estratégico baseado na espetacularização e na administração da sua visibilidade, atuando e difundindo, a partir desse imenso palco midiático, imagens arquetípicas cuidadosamente construídas. Então, o presente estudo propõe-se a analisar o fenômeno da espetacularização da política no meio televisivo paraibano e refletir a postura do veículo TV Cabo Branco, numa das disputas políticas mais acirradas do Estado da Paraíba, que culminou com a vitória de Cássio Cunha Lima. Portanto, esta dissertação parte de uma abordagem interdisciplinar ao analisar o vídeo do último debate entre os candidatos ao governo do Estado da Paraíba, nas eleições de 2006. O estudo é baseado nos teóricos da comunicação, da sociologia, da política e dos estudos do imaginário coletivo. Complementa essa exposição, algumas matérias publicadas no jornal O Norte, assim como artigos da Lei Eleitoral Brasileira, cuja tentativa de regularização da atuação dos meios de comunicação tem sido uma constante ao longo da história das eleições no Brasil. Desse modo, busca-se, à luz do referencial teórico proposto, trazer à tona elucidações sobre a possibilidade do uso estratégico da imagem, da oralidade e da condução manipulativa no debate de 2006. Logo, questiona-se o intuito do veículo em questão a ajudar a gerir, de forma diferenciada, a visibilidade dos dois candidatos ao governo do estado naquele ano, no espaço delimitado pela Audiovisualidade.

nÃo hà / Esta tese se propÃs a investigar o fenÃmeno da participaÃÃo popular no OrÃamento Participativo de Fortaleza como processo pedagÃgico. A pedagogia à compreendida como processo instituinte, capaz de mobilizar novos imaginÃrios sÃcio-polÃticos. Esse viÃs contou com as contribuiÃÃes teÃrico-conceituais de Castoriadis e Paulo Freire. Realizou-se um estudo de caso delimitado aos quatro (2005-2008) primeiros anos da implantaÃÃo do OP na cidade. O OrÃamento Participativo faz parte de um projeto democrÃtico-participativo, fundamentado em uma perspectiva de democracia cujos princÃpios da deliberaÃÃo popular, controle social, autonomia etc. detÃm-se no empoderamento popular. O objetivo deste estudo deteve-se no sujeito (individual e coletivo) e nas possibilidades deste desenvolver neste espaÃo uma forma de existir coletivamente. A participaÃÃo nÃo compreende as aprendizagens individuais, mas as que se dÃo entre-os-indivÃduos, daà a categoria central ser: âpedagogia da participaÃÃoâ. Esse termo contempla um conjunto de outras subcategorias (eidos coletivo, saber dialÃgico, tempo pedagÃgico, domÃnio pÃblico do saber) norteadoras do processo investigativo. Os resultados da pesquisa apontaram no OP de Fortaleza uma instituiÃÃo capaz de estabelecer tensÃes com um imaginÃrio sÃcio-polÃtico jà instituÃdo, mas estas tensÃes nÃo romperam com as formas tradicionais de fazer polÃtica (territorialidade, tempo administrativo, saber epistÃmico, etc.), dificultando a criaÃÃo de uma forma de existir coletivamente. / This thesis aims to investigate the phenomenon of popular participation in the Participative Budget (PB) of Fortaleza as a pedagogical process. The pedagogy is understood as an establishing process, able to mobilize new socio-political imaginary. This bias includes the theoretical and conceptual contributions of Castoriadis and Paulo Freire. In this work, we conducted a case study limited to the first four years (2005 - 2008) of the implantation of PB in Fortaleza. The PB is part of a participatory-democratic project, based on a perspective of democracy whose principles of popular deliberation, social control, autonomy, etc., hold on the popular empowerment. In this way, the aim of this thesis had a focus on the subject (individual and collective) and on the possibilities of this to develop a way of to exist collectively. Participation does not include individual learnings, but that which give between individuals, therefrom the central category to be "pedagogy of participation". This terms cover a number of other subcategories (collective eidos, dialogical knowledge, pedagogical time, public domain of knowledge) that are guiding the investigative process. The research results revel the PB of Fortaleza as an institution able of to establish tensions with a socio-political imaginary already established, but these tensions did not breaks with traditional ways of doing politics (territoriality, administrative time, knowledge epistemic, etc..), making impossible the formation of a collective.