In this essay i present a study on political learning of a minority ethnicity whose political history in the institutional form began in 1993. The ethnicity in question is the Sami’s and in 1993 the Sami Parliament was established. The establishment of the Sami parliament radically changed the preconditions for political work. Sami politics came to be pursued in an organized manner in the form of a public authority and democratically elected units. In these study Sami politician's perceptions of political learning is investigated. Special attention is directed towards individual- as well as organizational and institutional level. The theories used are Vygotsky's sociocultural perspective on learning complemented with a Foucault-inspired discourse analysis. The method used is semi-structured interviews. The results show that learning is essentially perceived to take place on an individual level and that the organizational and institutional level only to some extent supports the individual level of learning

<p>What are the effects of political information on public opinion, political participation, and electoral outcomes? In this dissertation, I address these questions and investigate the ways that people acquire and incorporate information based on their levels of political knowledge and attentiveness. I examine the effects of political information among three groups whom we would expect to learn differently: those people with little knowledge or interest in politics; the potentially interested who possess some, but not much, knowledge; and the attentive experts. </p><p>In my first chapter, I look at the effects of information on people with little or no knowledge of politics by asking, "Do candidate visits affect voting decisions and candidate evaluations?" I link survey data with the location and topics of all speeches given by George W. Bush and John Kerry in 2004 to empirically test the conventional wisdom that candidate appearances change electoral outcomes. I find that candidate visits do provide information to voters and that those effects are conditioned on consumption of local media. In my second chapter, I look at people with some knowledge of politics: college students. I ask, "How does the information that students 'incidentally' encounter in electronic social networks like Facebook.com shape their knowledge of current political events and their participation?" To answer these questions, I conducted a survey with an embedded experiment. I find that students do learn from Facebook, though the effects are small and vary across groups. My third chapter investigates the ways that the politically attentive incorporate information by asking, "What campaign information matters? Which campaign events are actually informative?" I develop a new measure of information flow using data from a political prediction market and a Bayesian estimation technique that adapts models from the economics literature. This measure offers a reliable way to describe the importance of campaign events that does not suffer from either post hoc judgments or reports from the principals involved in the campaign. Together, these projects address the consequences of political information in contemporary politics.</p> / Dissertation

No description available.

Depuis le début des années 2000, le recours à la méthodeexpérimentale par assignation aléatoire pour évaluer les dispositifs publicsconnait un essor mondial sans précédent. Cette méthode scientifique estprésentée par ses promoteurs comme la plus rigoureuse pour estimer l’impactd’une intervention ainsi que la mieux à même de favoriser la prise en comptedes preuves scientifiques par les décideurs politiques. Son utilisation dans lecadre de l’evidence-based policy nous amène à considérer cette méthodecomme un instrument, une institution sociale, visant à organiser unapprentissage commun entre les acteurs de l’action publique et les acteursscientifiques. L’observation de cette interaction constitue le coeur de ce travailde recherche. Ce dernier étudie comment l’inscription de ses parties prenantesdans leurs champs d’action stratégiques respectifs conditionne l’usage de cetteméthode sur le territoire français. Celle-ci se décline alors, en une variété desites institutionnels témoignant des oppositions entre les pratiques, les intérêts,et les modèles d’apprentissages des acteurs la composant. Notre analyse de15 études de cas de son utilisation sur le territoire français, révèle les tensionsinhérentes à l’application de cette méthode sur de nouveaux dispositifsd’intervention sociale, et questionne ses capacités à produire un apprentissagecommun entre acteurs de l’action publique et acteurs scientifiques. / The start of the XXIst century witnessed an unprecedenteduse of randomized controlled trials to assess public programs across theworld. This scientific method has been championed as the most rigorous toassess the impact of public intervention. It has promoted the use ofscientific evidence by policy makers through the evidence-based policymovement. Therefore, this method is to be understood as a socialinstitution whose aim is to organize a joint learning between policy actorsand scientists. The study of this interaction is the core of this dissertation,which analyzes how stakeholders’ memberships to their respective strategicaction fields drive this method's use in France. Through the execution ofthis method, we observe a range of different institutional sites. They aretestimonies of the opposing practices, interests and learning patterns of theactors involved. This dissertation analyses 15 case studies of this method'simplementation in France. It reveals the inherent tensions at work in its useon new social programs, and challenges this method's ability to produce ajoint learning between policy actors and scientists.

This study examines the party-controlled communication of the five most important political parties in the North West Province of South Africa during the 1999 general elections. The main assumption is that political parties in developing democracies have a normative obligation to do more than canvas for votes during an election campaign. Political parties should also be instrumental through their communication in fostering a democratic political culture. Central to this argument is the notion that a typical marketing approach is not suitable for an election campaign in a developing democracy. In accordance with the participatory approach to development, it is thus proposed that the two-way symmetrical model for public relations (as proposed by James Grunig) is a more appropriate approach to election campaigns. Especially relevant for this study is the two-way symmetrical model's emphasis on interaction and the establishment of long tern relationships with target publics. Through an extensive qualitative analysis of all relevant material (party manifests, newspaper advertisements, radio advertisements, pamphlets, posters and web pages), it was found that South African political parties placed much less emphasis on the "image" of the party or its leader compared to their American counterparts. However, that did not imply that the substance of the message was emphasised adequately. On the contrary, the political parties participating in the elections in the North-West province generally failed the normative criteria of informing voters and identifying democratic values adequately. Furthermore it was found that the cognitive and emotional campaign messages were not fully integrated. While the focus was on typical election issues (emotional message), these issues were not explained and contextualised within a developing democracy to the full extend (cognitive message). Therefore the emotional message was not utilised to focus the voter's attention on policy issues and democratic values. In conclusion it is argued that political parties should do much more than merely canvas for votes. They should also empower voters by informing them on their policy issues and highlighting democratic values in society. Only then the new South African democracy will be sustainable. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2004.

This study examines the party-controlled communication of the five most important political parties in the North West Province of South Africa during the 1999 general elections. The main assumption is that political parties in developing democracies have a normative obligation to do more than canvas for votes during an election campaign. Political parties should also be instrumental through their communication in fostering a democratic political culture. Central to this argument is the notion that a typical marketing approach is not suitable for an election campaign in a developing democracy. In accordance with the participatory approach to development, it is thus proposed that the two-way symmetrical model for public relations (as proposed by James Grunig) is a more appropriate approach to election campaigns. Especially relevant for this study is the two-way symmetrical model's emphasis on interaction and the establishment of long tern relationships with target publics. Through an extensive qualitative analysis of all relevant material (party manifests, newspaper advertisements, radio advertisements, pamphlets, posters and web pages), it was found that South African political parties placed much less emphasis on the "image" of the party or its leader compared to their American counterparts. However, that did not imply that the substance of the message was emphasised adequately. On the contrary, the political parties participating in the elections in the North-West province generally failed the normative criteria of informing voters and identifying democratic values adequately. Furthermore it was found that the cognitive and emotional campaign messages were not fully integrated. While the focus was on typical election issues (emotional message), these issues were not explained and contextualised within a developing democracy to the full extend (cognitive message). Therefore the emotional message was not utilised to focus the voter's attention on policy issues and democratic values. In conclusion it is argued that political parties should do much more than merely canvas for votes. They should also empower voters by informing them on their policy issues and highlighting democratic values in society. Only then the new South African democracy will be sustainable. / Thesis (Ph.D. (Communication Studies))--North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2004.

Esta pesquisa analisa interlocuções ocorridas na formulação da proposta de criação do FUNDEB, no período compreendido entre o processo de criação do FUNDEF e o protocolo da Proposta de Emenda Constitucional 415/05 no Congresso Nacional pelo Executivo Federal. Mapeia posicionamentos dos atores que participaram da elaboração da proposta no âmbito do Executivo Federal, identificando idéias, interesses e aprendizagens ocorridas no processo. A pesquisa envolveu análise documental, entrevistas e observação dos posicionamentos de atores institucionais, do Executivo Federal, da representação dos estados, da representação dos municípios e da sociedade civil. O procedimento teórico metodológico envolveu a análise de conteúdo como técnica para análise dos resultados finais e a abordagem teórica de dimensão cognitiva, Advocacy Coalition Framework, para análise da mudança da política, buscando valorizar o papel das idéias, de crenças e do conhecimento. A utilização da abordagem visou compreender o processo da mudança e o papel da aprendizagem política através da interação de atores das diferentes instituições e a influência de coalizões no processo decisório. Foram definidos como categorias de análise: os paradigmas, as estratégias, a abrangência da política, os fatores estáveis e os fatores dinâmicos que influenciaram os posicionamentos. Um ponto comum no posicionamento das instituições pesquisadas foi a aprovação na mudança da política de (re) distribuição de recursos intergovernamentais para financiamento da Educação Básica. As divergências relacionavam-se com as etapas a serem incluídas e os recursos para composição do Fundo, bem como a fórmula do cálculo do valor mínimo por aluno. Sob o ponto de vista de ter havido aprendizagem nesse processo de discussão, pode-se dizer que a experiência do FUNDEF foi sendo avaliada como uma política que estrutura melhor os recursos e a aplicação dos mesmos, melhorando, inclusive, o controle sobre eles, mesmo que os fatores econômicos limitem a ampliação do financiamento da educação. Neste caso a política anterior contribuiu para que fosse projetada uma política mais abrangente. As limitações, bem como, as características do FUNDEF, foram os parâmetros para a construção de uma nova proposta. / This research analyzes interlocutions in the formulation of the proposal for creation of FUNDEB, from the process of creation of FUNDEF to the protocol of Proposal of Constitutional Amendment 415/05 in the National Congress by the Federal Executive Power. It traces the positioning of actors that participated in the elaboration of the proposal in the Federal Executive Power, identifying ideas, interests, and learning that took place along the process. The research has involved documental analysis, interviews and observation of positions of institutional actors, Federal Executive Power, State representation, municipal representation and civil society. The theoretical-methodological procedure involved the content analysis as a technique to analyze the results and the theoretical approach of cognitive dimension, Advocacy Coalition Framework, to analyze the policy change, in an attempt to value the role of ideas, beliefs and knowledge. The use of this approach aimed at understanding the change process and the role of political learning through the interaction of actors from different institutions and the influence of coalitions in the decision process. The following categories of analysis have been defined: paradigms, strategies, political comprehensiveness, stable factors, and dynamic factors that have influenced the positions. A point in common in the positions of the institutions researched was the approval of the change of policy of (re)distribution of intergovernmental resources for funding Basic Education. The divergences were related to the phases to be included and the resources for composing the Fund, as well as the formula to estimate the minimum value per student. From the perspective of the existence of learning in this discussion process, one can say that the experience of FUNDEF has been evaluated as a policy that better structures the resources and their application, thus improving the control over them, even if the economical factors limit a broader education funding. In this case, the previous policy contributed to the design of a more comprehensive policy. The limitations as well as the characteristics of FUNDEF have been the parameters for the construction of a new proposal.

Esta pesquisa analisa interlocuções ocorridas na formulação da proposta de criação do FUNDEB, no período compreendido entre o processo de criação do FUNDEF e o protocolo da Proposta de Emenda Constitucional 415/05 no Congresso Nacional pelo Executivo Federal. Mapeia posicionamentos dos atores que participaram da elaboração da proposta no âmbito do Executivo Federal, identificando idéias, interesses e aprendizagens ocorridas no processo. A pesquisa envolveu análise documental, entrevistas e observação dos posicionamentos de atores institucionais, do Executivo Federal, da representação dos estados, da representação dos municípios e da sociedade civil. O procedimento teórico metodológico envolveu a análise de conteúdo como técnica para análise dos resultados finais e a abordagem teórica de dimensão cognitiva, Advocacy Coalition Framework, para análise da mudança da política, buscando valorizar o papel das idéias, de crenças e do conhecimento. A utilização da abordagem visou compreender o processo da mudança e o papel da aprendizagem política através da interação de atores das diferentes instituições e a influência de coalizões no processo decisório. Foram definidos como categorias de análise: os paradigmas, as estratégias, a abrangência da política, os fatores estáveis e os fatores dinâmicos que influenciaram os posicionamentos. Um ponto comum no posicionamento das instituições pesquisadas foi a aprovação na mudança da política de (re) distribuição de recursos intergovernamentais para financiamento da Educação Básica. As divergências relacionavam-se com as etapas a serem incluídas e os recursos para composição do Fundo, bem como a fórmula do cálculo do valor mínimo por aluno. Sob o ponto de vista de ter havido aprendizagem nesse processo de discussão, pode-se dizer que a experiência do FUNDEF foi sendo avaliada como uma política que estrutura melhor os recursos e a aplicação dos mesmos, melhorando, inclusive, o controle sobre eles, mesmo que os fatores econômicos limitem a ampliação do financiamento da educação. Neste caso a política anterior contribuiu para que fosse projetada uma política mais abrangente. As limitações, bem como, as características do FUNDEF, foram os parâmetros para a construção de uma nova proposta. / This research analyzes interlocutions in the formulation of the proposal for creation of FUNDEB, from the process of creation of FUNDEF to the protocol of Proposal of Constitutional Amendment 415/05 in the National Congress by the Federal Executive Power. It traces the positioning of actors that participated in the elaboration of the proposal in the Federal Executive Power, identifying ideas, interests, and learning that took place along the process. The research has involved documental analysis, interviews and observation of positions of institutional actors, Federal Executive Power, State representation, municipal representation and civil society. The theoretical-methodological procedure involved the content analysis as a technique to analyze the results and the theoretical approach of cognitive dimension, Advocacy Coalition Framework, to analyze the policy change, in an attempt to value the role of ideas, beliefs and knowledge. The use of this approach aimed at understanding the change process and the role of political learning through the interaction of actors from different institutions and the influence of coalitions in the decision process. The following categories of analysis have been defined: paradigms, strategies, political comprehensiveness, stable factors, and dynamic factors that have influenced the positions. A point in common in the positions of the institutions researched was the approval of the change of policy of (re)distribution of intergovernmental resources for funding Basic Education. The divergences were related to the phases to be included and the resources for composing the Fund, as well as the formula to estimate the minimum value per student. From the perspective of the existence of learning in this discussion process, one can say that the experience of FUNDEF has been evaluated as a policy that better structures the resources and their application, thus improving the control over them, even if the economical factors limit a broader education funding. In this case, the previous policy contributed to the design of a more comprehensive policy. The limitations as well as the characteristics of FUNDEF have been the parameters for the construction of a new proposal.

Esta pesquisa analisa interlocuções ocorridas na formulação da proposta de criação do FUNDEB, no período compreendido entre o processo de criação do FUNDEF e o protocolo da Proposta de Emenda Constitucional 415/05 no Congresso Nacional pelo Executivo Federal. Mapeia posicionamentos dos atores que participaram da elaboração da proposta no âmbito do Executivo Federal, identificando idéias, interesses e aprendizagens ocorridas no processo. A pesquisa envolveu análise documental, entrevistas e observação dos posicionamentos de atores institucionais, do Executivo Federal, da representação dos estados, da representação dos municípios e da sociedade civil. O procedimento teórico metodológico envolveu a análise de conteúdo como técnica para análise dos resultados finais e a abordagem teórica de dimensão cognitiva, Advocacy Coalition Framework, para análise da mudança da política, buscando valorizar o papel das idéias, de crenças e do conhecimento. A utilização da abordagem visou compreender o processo da mudança e o papel da aprendizagem política através da interação de atores das diferentes instituições e a influência de coalizões no processo decisório. Foram definidos como categorias de análise: os paradigmas, as estratégias, a abrangência da política, os fatores estáveis e os fatores dinâmicos que influenciaram os posicionamentos. Um ponto comum no posicionamento das instituições pesquisadas foi a aprovação na mudança da política de (re) distribuição de recursos intergovernamentais para financiamento da Educação Básica. As divergências relacionavam-se com as etapas a serem incluídas e os recursos para composição do Fundo, bem como a fórmula do cálculo do valor mínimo por aluno. Sob o ponto de vista de ter havido aprendizagem nesse processo de discussão, pode-se dizer que a experiência do FUNDEF foi sendo avaliada como uma política que estrutura melhor os recursos e a aplicação dos mesmos, melhorando, inclusive, o controle sobre eles, mesmo que os fatores econômicos limitem a ampliação do financiamento da educação. Neste caso a política anterior contribuiu para que fosse projetada uma política mais abrangente. As limitações, bem como, as características do FUNDEF, foram os parâmetros para a construção de uma nova proposta. / This research analyzes interlocutions in the formulation of the proposal for creation of FUNDEB, from the process of creation of FUNDEF to the protocol of Proposal of Constitutional Amendment 415/05 in the National Congress by the Federal Executive Power. It traces the positioning of actors that participated in the elaboration of the proposal in the Federal Executive Power, identifying ideas, interests, and learning that took place along the process. The research has involved documental analysis, interviews and observation of positions of institutional actors, Federal Executive Power, State representation, municipal representation and civil society. The theoretical-methodological procedure involved the content analysis as a technique to analyze the results and the theoretical approach of cognitive dimension, Advocacy Coalition Framework, to analyze the policy change, in an attempt to value the role of ideas, beliefs and knowledge. The use of this approach aimed at understanding the change process and the role of political learning through the interaction of actors from different institutions and the influence of coalitions in the decision process. The following categories of analysis have been defined: paradigms, strategies, political comprehensiveness, stable factors, and dynamic factors that have influenced the positions. A point in common in the positions of the institutions researched was the approval of the change of policy of (re)distribution of intergovernmental resources for funding Basic Education. The divergences were related to the phases to be included and the resources for composing the Fund, as well as the formula to estimate the minimum value per student. From the perspective of the existence of learning in this discussion process, one can say that the experience of FUNDEF has been evaluated as a policy that better structures the resources and their application, thus improving the control over them, even if the economical factors limit a broader education funding. In this case, the previous policy contributed to the design of a more comprehensive policy. The limitations as well as the characteristics of FUNDEF have been the parameters for the construction of a new proposal.

Die vorliegende Arbeit geht der Frage nach, inwieweit in Veröffentlichungen der (grundschul)pädagogischen Diskussion um die Vermittlung der Geschichte des Holocaust und Nationalsozialismus seit Ende der 1980er Jahre auf Adornos berühmte Radioansprache "Erziehung nach Auschwitz" von 1966 zugegriffen wird und in welcher Weise bzw. zu welchem Zweck dies geschieht. Anhand von vier typischen Bezugnahmen auf Adornos Vortrag wird gezeigt, dass ein solcher Zugriff nicht immer dem Inhalt des Vortrages gerecht wird, und dieser zum einen sehr unterschiedlich und zum zweiten häufig auf fragwürdige Weise ausgelegt und für die eigene Argumentation herangezogen wird. Um den Hintergrund für die pädagogische Rezeption von Adornos Ansprache zu erhellen, liefert die Arbeit einen historischen Überblick über die Entwicklung der grundschulpädagogischen Diskussion um die Frage, ob und wenn ja wie der Holocaust Gegenstand des Unterrichts in der Grundschule sein kann, und diskutiert dabei kritisch vier verschiedene Zielstellungen, die mit einer solchen Thematisierung verbunden werden: Demokratielernen, Gedenken, Fragen der Kinder bedienen sowie geschichtsdidaktische Absichten. Die inhaltliche Analyse jener Interpretationen von Adornos "Erziehung nach Auschwitz", die innerhalb der pädagogische Diskussion um eine Vermittlung der Geschichte des Holocaust vorgenommen werden, zeigt, dass die Zielvorstellungen des historisch-politischen Lernens häufig Leitmotiv für das Verständnis von Adornos Rede sind und sich dieses Verständnis vom Gegenstand einer „Erziehung nach Auschwitz“ bei den allermeisten Autor_innen auf eine „Erziehung über Auschwitz“ beschränkt.