This study examines the relationship between divided government and women's organizations' political activity. In the literature divided government is associated with political openness leading to a decline in the repression of alternative political views and increased organizational activity. In this thesis I hypothesize that divided government is related to increased participation in political activity by women's organizations. Political activity is expected to increase during periods of divided government due to increased opportunities to influence formal government as political parties and elected officials compete for public support. This study analyzes political activity by organizations associated with the women's movement in two developed democracies, the United States and Ireland during periods of (1) divided government and (2) periods of unified government in each country. This study focuses on activity revolving around the issues of reproductive rights and violence against women, two of the most salient issues to the women's movement. Organizational activity includes participation in protests, letter writing campaigns to political elites, and the endorsement of political candidates or parties by the National Organization for Women (NOW) and The Third Wave Foundation in the United States, and The National Women's Council of Ireland and The Irish Feminist Network in the Republic of Ireland. This study examines organizational activity in two cases of unified government controlling for partisanship of the executive, and one case of divided government in each country case. The findings of this study support the hypothesis that divided government is related to an increase in political activity by women's organizations in the United States. However, more research is needed to address alternative explanations for the level of political activity of women's organizations during periods of unified government. In addition, more research is needed to address explanations of political activity of women's organizations in Ireland.

Research on social movements has traditionally addressed issues of movement emergence and mobilisation, paying little attention to their outcomes and consequences. Moreover, despite research on the political consequences of social movements accelerating in recent years, much has been left under researched, no more so than the impact social movements have on one of the most important actors in liberal democracies: political parties. This paper extends social movement research by examining whether social movements have an impact on political parties and under what conditions impact is more likely to take place. The empirical analysis, investigating whether anti-austerity social movements have had an impact on social democratic parties in Ireland and Spain during the years 2011 to 2016, suggests that the relationship between social movements and political parties is both under-theorised and under-researched, and mistakenly so. The paper finds that while parties are more likely to be influenced by social movements when certain conditions are present, social movements can also have unintended impacts on parties. Ultimately, this paper encourages research on political parties, and particularly research on party change, to pay greater attention to social movements and for social movement research to pay greater attention to political parties.

Cette thèse a pour objectif d'analyser l'émergence, la réussite et l'opposition au régime de deux mouvements sociaux égyptiens durant la période (2006-2009). Ces derniers sont le mouvement ouvrier de la Compagnie de Méhalla et celui des fonctionnaires de l'impôt foncier. On mettra en évidence deux questions, d'une part, les enjeux concernant les dynamiques internes propres au mouvement et d'autre part, ceux de son conflit avec le régime et le défi qu'il (le mouvement) représente pour lui (le régime). Notre argumentation se basera essentiellement sur l'importance des choix des leaders, leurs positions et les stratégies, puisqu'on les considère comme une variable explicative particulièrement importante pour la compréhension des dynamiques interactionnelles et oppositionnelles du mouvement. Nous espérons ainsi contribuer à la littérature portant sur les mouvements sociaux en proposant une analyse qui jettera la lumière sur l'influence qu'exercent les actions des leaders sur les dynamiques qu'engendre le mouvement, un fait qui a été d'ailleurs sous-étudié par cette littérature. En outre, notre recherche, on le pense, peut intéresser également les spécialistes des régimes autoritaires puisqu'on traitera aussi le processus selon lequel les leaders d'un mouvement peuvent exploiter au maximum les « opportunités » politiques qu'offre un régime semi-autoritaire et induire un changement des rapports qui le liaient auparavant à ce régime, ainsi que les limites d'un tel processus. / This thesis aims to emphasize the emergence, success and opposition to the regime of two Egyptian social movements during the period (2005-2009). These are the Mahalla Company for Spinning and Weaving labor movement and the Real Estate Tax collectors movement. In this research, we will shed the light on the internal dynamic taking place within the movement as well as its contentious interaction with the regime contenders. Our arguments will be based primarily on the role, choices and strategies of leaders as we consider them as an important explanatory variable for understanding the movement's interactional and oppositional dynamics. Hence, we hope to contribute to the literature on social movements by offering an analysis that will shed light on the influence leaders' actions on the movement's dynamics, a fact that is under-studied. Furthermore, our research, we believe, may also be of interest to specialists' of authoritarian regimes as we will describe the process by which the movements' leaders can capitalize on the “opportunities” offered by a semi- authoritarian regime to produce an historical rupture with the relationship that tied it to the later as well as our assessment of such a process' limitations.

Etude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie, perspectives comparatistesCette thèse s’intéresse à l’étude sociologique des émeutes en Algérie. Pour ce faire, Elle tente de comprendre les mécanismes qui président au déclenchement de l’émeute. Cela passe d’abord par une interrogation sur les liens que peut entretenir l’émeute avec les différents contextes, puis par une proposition d’une perspective comparatiste entre les émeutes algériennes et françaises. Ce travail de recherche s’interroge sur les facteurs distinctifs qui expliquent la singularité des émeutes en Algérie, en accordant une attention particulière aux « répertoires d’actions » (Tilly et Tarrow, 2008) qui ont été utilisés par les jeunes émeutiers. Il s’agit aussi de s’intéresser aux questionnements sur la nature de système politique algérien et son rôle dans le déclenchement de l’émeute, ainsi que les conditions sociales favorables au passage à l’action émeutière. Cette étude sur la sociologie des émeutes se situe au carrefour de la sociologie et de la sociohistoire en s’appuyant à la fois sur des analyses qualitative et quantitative. Ce travail est axé sur des entrevues qualitatives menées en grande partie avec des jeunes. À cela se sont ajoutés des entretiens menés avec d’autres différents acteurs et ce, dans l’objectif de compléter notre enquête.Cette étude montre que le contexte politique occupe une grande place dans l’émergence de ce phénomène social qui est l’émeute. Celle-ci tire son origine dans la frustration ressentie par la jeunesse Algérienne au même titre que dans la fermeture du champ politique et la nature autoritaire de l’État algérien. Cette étude a mis en rapport l’émeute et le malaise social découlant d’abord d’un processus structuré, qui commence par la paupérisation et la précarisation des classes populaires. Ces émeutes ne sont pas détachées du contexte social et de cette « frustration relative » (Gurr, 1970 ; Corcuff, 2009). / Sociological study of riots in Algeria, comparative perspectives.This thesis deals with a sociological study about riots in Algeria. To do this, it seeks the comprehension of mechanisms that cause riots. It starts with questioning the links between riots and different contexts, and then it ends with a proposition of a comparison between riots in Algeria and France. This research paper tends to find out the distinguishing factors which explain the particularity of riots in Algeria through taking into account a special attention to “events repertory” (Tilly and Tarrow, 2008) that has been used by the rioters. It’s also a matter of questioning the nature of the Algerian political system and its role in the breaking up of these riots; as well as the social conditions that helped riots to break out.This sociological study of riots can be found between that of sociological history and sociology focusing on both quantitative and qualitative analyses. This work is based on qualitative interviews made mainly with young people. In addition to other interviews made with different categories of people for the purpose to end our investigation.This paper shows that the political context takes a great part in the emergence of this social phenomenon which is riot. This latter takes its origin from the deep frustration felt by the Algerian youth as well as the absence of political participation and the authoritarian nature of the Algerian political system.This study has put an emphasis on the relationship between riots and social difficulties resulted first from a structured process, and which begins with the pauperization and insecurity of the popular classes. These riots are not separated from the social context and what is called as “a relative frustration” (Gurr, 1970; Corcuff, 2009).

This thesis investigates democratisation in South Korea. Unlike what structure- and process-oriented accounts of democratisation claim, democracy in South Korea was achieved through sustained popular action. The late-late development led by the authoritarian developmental state did not allow bourgeois or institutional politics to take the leading role for democracy. Social movements replaced them by making political opportunities and developing collective identity, their mobilising structures, and by using various discourses, repertoires, and framing. The structural context, movements' interaction with the state, and their strategies produced democracy with paradoxical results. Not only did they fail to achieve social democracy as their objective, but also the “founding election” for the transition to democracy in 1987 was exploited by elites. The paradoxical process of democratisation suppressed the reverse transition to reauthoritarianism on the one hand and constrained the popular sovereignty expressed through constitutionally legitimate massive collective action on the other hand. Though democratisation through collective action did not end “happily ever after,” it brought about democracy not only in institutional politics but also in noninstitutional politics. / Graduate

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民主成為一股全球性的潮流，帶動女性在缺席以久的政治場域上的出現和積極參與。從1960年斯里蘭卡誕生第一位民選女性總理開始，近半個世紀以來世界各國紛紛出現女性領導人。台灣於1996年首度舉行總統直選，2016年選出首位女性總統蔡英文，這樣的發展對台灣的性別平權有重大意義。本研究旨在透過文獻分析與深度訪談來分析，蔡英文身為一位女性在台灣的脈絡下成為首位女性國家領導人的條件；研究結果發現，政治機會、社會文化與個人資本是女性從政的重要條件。豐沛的個人資本奠定蔡英文政治參與的基礎，也是她進入合格人才庫及參選人才庫的要件；其次，即使具有高教育程度與專業經歷等條件，蔡英文的出場一開始仍然受到「男性不在場」的性別框架限制，但政治機會的出現與把握是她能夠突破參選人才庫的天花板成為民進黨內最高權力者的主因；最後，台灣社會性別文化由排斥女性參政逐漸轉變為鼓勵女性參政甚至欣賞女性政治菁英特質，也成為蔡英文當選總統的重要脈絡條件。本研究最後認為，以蔡英文為個案來探討台灣女性菁英的政治參與的重要意義在於進一步觀察，蔡英文成為首位女性國家領導人是否有助於提升台灣社會整體性別意識、改變父權的社會結構與文化，最終達成多數甚至全體台灣女性的解放。 / Against the background of global trend of democracy, women appear to be more active in the field of politics and public sphere where they have been absent for a long time. Since the election of the first ever female national leader in Sri Lanka in 1960, we have seen more democratically-elected female leaders around the world. Taiwan held its first direct presidential election in 1996, and elected its first female president Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. This is certainly a notable achievement as far as the pursuit of gender equality in Taiwan is concerned. Through literature analysis and in-depth interview and using Tsai Ing-wen as its case, this study seeks to explore the conditions, institutional as well as cultural, conducive to political empowerment and participation of female elites in the context of Taiwan. It is found that political opportunity, women-friendly culture, and personal capital are important for understanding the success of women in politics. In the case of Tsai, abundant personal capital lays the foundation for her participation in the government and in party politics. Which helps her enter ‘the pools of eligibles and of candidates.’ Despite the various forms of capital Tsai has enjoyed, political opportunities were only available for Tsai when “male are absent” specifically within her party, the Democratic Progressive Party. Last but not the least, an emerging more women-friendly culture among the society in Taiwan also contributes to Tsai’s success in politics. This study concludes that the contribution and value of studying the case of Tsai to discuss the elite women 's political participation in Taiwan lie in first, exploring the conditions that help female elites break the glass ceiling in traditionally male-dominate field of politics; and secondly, emphasizing that the election of Tsai as Taiwan’s first ever female president will only be truly meaningful for the pursuit of gender equality when the society’s gender consciousness is enhanced, patriarchal structure and culture changed, and most if not all women liberated.

Including civil society organizations in the policy process is a distinctive trait of democratic governance. But, while being highly valuable from a democratic point of view, not all civil society organizations are represented in the policy process. This dissertation draws attention to the role of the government in shaping the representation of civil society organizations in the Swedish government consultation referred to as the ‘remiss procedure’. The overall aim is to increase empirical and theoretical understanding of civil society organizations’ access to the national Swedish policy process. Drawing on various empirical data sources, it analyzes how access has changed during the second half of the 20th century, the factors influencing access, and the significance of the access provided by the government. The results are based on four empirical studies, and show that the government has encouraged an increasing number and more diverse types of civil society organizations to be represented in the remiss procedure. In addition, organizations with plenty of resources, such as labor and business organizations, are not overrepresented. However, access is slightly skewed in favor of civil society organizations with an insider position within other access points at national government level, which is consistent with a privileged pluralistic pattern of interest representation. In addition, civil society organizations seem to be invited into an arena for political influence of less relevance. Theoretically, the dissertation moves beyond the neo-corporatist perspective that dominated Swedish research during the second half of the 20th century by drawing attention to five different theoretical lenses: pluralism, neo-corporatism, political opportunity structures, policy network theory, and resource exchange theory. It concludes that a variety of theories are needed for access to be understood.

Nesta dissertação analisamos as dinâmicas de ação coletiva dos grupos negros na Colômbia, desde a abolição da escravidão a meados do século XIX até a Colômbia contemporânea. Este foco sócio-histórico tem como objetivo observar as mudanças nas oportunidades políticas que permitem, ou não, a ação coletiva de um grupo social. Na medida em que as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado são favoráveis para a mobilização, nos interessamos em compreender as estratégias de mobilização e os recursos usados pelos ativistas, assim como as alianças e a especialização do ativismo. A dinâmica da organização do Movimento Afro-Colombiano mudou na ultima década do século XX, quando promulgada a nova Constituição Política nacional e mais uma vez na primeira década do século XXI, quando a população negra colombiana se torna alvo do conflito armado que vive o país. / In this dissertation we analyze the dynamics of collective action of Colombian black groups, since the abolition of slave trade in 1851, until contemporary Colombia. This sociohistorical focus has the intuition to observe how changes in political opportunities aloud collective action of a social group. In so far as political opportunities given by the State are positive for mobilization, we are interested in the comprehension of which strategies are chosen for groups to mobilize, as well as the usage of resources by activists. Also we are interested in understanding the alliances and specialization of the activism in certain political regimes. The dynamic of organization of Afro-Colombian Movement changed during the last decade of the 20th century, when a new constitution was adopted. And has changed once again during the first decade of the 21st century, when Colombian black population became the main victims of the armed conflict in the country.

Nesta dissertação analisamos as dinâmicas de ação coletiva dos grupos negros na Colômbia, desde a abolição da escravidão a meados do século XIX até a Colômbia contemporânea. Este foco sócio-histórico tem como objetivo observar as mudanças nas oportunidades políticas que permitem, ou não, a ação coletiva de um grupo social. Na medida em que as oportunidades políticas oferecidas pelo Estado são favoráveis para a mobilização, nos interessamos em compreender as estratégias de mobilização e os recursos usados pelos ativistas, assim como as alianças e a especialização do ativismo. A dinâmica da organização do Movimento Afro-Colombiano mudou na ultima década do século XX, quando promulgada a nova Constituição Política nacional e mais uma vez na primeira década do século XXI, quando a população negra colombiana se torna alvo do conflito armado que vive o país. / In this dissertation we analyze the dynamics of collective action of Colombian black groups, since the abolition of slave trade in 1851, until contemporary Colombia. This sociohistorical focus has the intuition to observe how changes in political opportunities aloud collective action of a social group. In so far as political opportunities given by the State are positive for mobilization, we are interested in the comprehension of which strategies are chosen for groups to mobilize, as well as the usage of resources by activists. Also we are interested in understanding the alliances and specialization of the activism in certain political regimes. The dynamic of organization of Afro-Colombian Movement changed during the last decade of the 20th century, when a new constitution was adopted. And has changed once again during the first decade of the 21st century, when Colombian black population became the main victims of the armed conflict in the country.