隨著經濟的快速發展，中國開始進入大規模的城市擴張和舊城改造。城市發展與建設被當作是地方官員治理績效的指標。為了推動城市改造，房屋拆遷成了不可避免的問題。地方政府以提升居民居住水準與城市化的發展等理由作為拆遷的合法性，以行政權力介入拆遷，卻沒有合理的拆遷補償機制，導致土地開發的利益歸於開發商及地方政府所有，而原居住者得不到合理足夠的補償，引發被拆遷戶的反彈。因拆遷而引發的各類信訪、上訪、起訴及重大惡性案件也呈上升趨勢。 屢屢發生於各地的房屋拆遷衝突事件，造成嚴重的社會問題。 本文從社會的角度切入，分析中國的城市房屋拆遷抗爭者的抗爭活動。本文借用社會運動的相關理論進行研究，政治機會結構理論提出政治環境與抗議活動之間是有相當程度的關聯性，並將政治環境稱之為「政治機會結構」。框架理論則探討抗議活動若要獲得廣泛的支持，則必須賦予抗議活動的意義，賦予意義並爭取認同的過程被稱之為框架。本文以政治機會結構分析拆遷抗爭者所處的政治環境，探究中國的政治機會結構與拆遷抗爭活動之間的關聯性。再運用框架理論分析拆遷抗爭者是如何為他們的抗爭行動賦予意義，將其框架化（framing）並獲得社會大眾的認同與支持。

民主成為一股全球性的潮流，帶動女性在缺席以久的政治場域上的出現和積極參與。從1960年斯里蘭卡誕生第一位民選女性總理開始，近半個世紀以來世界各國紛紛出現女性領導人。台灣於1996年首度舉行總統直選，2016年選出首位女性總統蔡英文，這樣的發展對台灣的性別平權有重大意義。本研究旨在透過文獻分析與深度訪談來分析，蔡英文身為一位女性在台灣的脈絡下成為首位女性國家領導人的條件；研究結果發現，政治機會、社會文化與個人資本是女性從政的重要條件。豐沛的個人資本奠定蔡英文政治參與的基礎，也是她進入合格人才庫及參選人才庫的要件；其次，即使具有高教育程度與專業經歷等條件，蔡英文的出場一開始仍然受到「男性不在場」的性別框架限制，但政治機會的出現與把握是她能夠突破參選人才庫的天花板成為民進黨內最高權力者的主因；最後，台灣社會性別文化由排斥女性參政逐漸轉變為鼓勵女性參政甚至欣賞女性政治菁英特質，也成為蔡英文當選總統的重要脈絡條件。本研究最後認為，以蔡英文為個案來探討台灣女性菁英的政治參與的重要意義在於進一步觀察，蔡英文成為首位女性國家領導人是否有助於提升台灣社會整體性別意識、改變父權的社會結構與文化，最終達成多數甚至全體台灣女性的解放。 / Against the background of global trend of democracy, women appear to be more active in the field of politics and public sphere where they have been absent for a long time. Since the election of the first ever female national leader in Sri Lanka in 1960, we have seen more democratically-elected female leaders around the world. Taiwan held its first direct presidential election in 1996, and elected its first female president Tsai Ing-wen in 2016. This is certainly a notable achievement as far as the pursuit of gender equality in Taiwan is concerned. Through literature analysis and in-depth interview and using Tsai Ing-wen as its case, this study seeks to explore the conditions, institutional as well as cultural, conducive to political empowerment and participation of female elites in the context of Taiwan. It is found that political opportunity, women-friendly culture, and personal capital are important for understanding the success of women in politics. In the case of Tsai, abundant personal capital lays the foundation for her participation in the government and in party politics. Which helps her enter ‘the pools of eligibles and of candidates.’ Despite the various forms of capital Tsai has enjoyed, political opportunities were only available for Tsai when “male are absent” specifically within her party, the Democratic Progressive Party. Last but not the least, an emerging more women-friendly culture among the society in Taiwan also contributes to Tsai’s success in politics. This study concludes that the contribution and value of studying the case of Tsai to discuss the elite women 's political participation in Taiwan lie in first, exploring the conditions that help female elites break the glass ceiling in traditionally male-dominate field of politics; and secondly, emphasizing that the election of Tsai as Taiwan’s first ever female president will only be truly meaningful for the pursuit of gender equality when the society’s gender consciousness is enhanced, patriarchal structure and culture changed, and most if not all women liberated.

在2006年1月，立法院通過了總金額合計高達1410億水患治理特別條例、石門及其集水區整治特別條例。本文以許多民間非營利組織為監督治水預算成立的1410大禹治水聯盟為研究個案，希望能瞭解立法過程裡，民間聯盟如何監督公共政策？又如何打破國會與官僚的結盟結構，實際影響政策？本文採用深度訪談、報章資料與參與觀察等方式，藉由McAdam的政治機會結構理論為分析架構，以說明治水預算裡行動者擴編預算的動機與過程。並分析在立法院審查各階段治水聯盟的因應策略、實際行動和內部運作，以及監督成效。研究發現在地方水患陰影下，又面對官僚、國會與地方政府三者鐵三角般的互利合作，主張審慎監督的治水聯盟其實無力回天。一方面因議題範圍實在太大，無法動員特定地區相關者；另一方面也是鐵三角間同盟關係非常穩固，國會遊說發揮不了作用。故只能藉少數友好立委，在朝野協商爭取加入更多資訊公開、績效評估與公民參與機制。透過這些機制，在後續八年政策執行過程中找出更多公共參與和監督的著力點。藉此也讓原先僅有地區性互動的環保運動與社區大學運動在本案上交會。此新合作方向是否會對未來環保運動帶來新的在地網絡與群眾支持，值得後續觀察與研究。 / In January 2006, the Legislative Yuan passed the Special Enactment on Flood Management in Areas Susceptible to Floods and the Special Enactment on Restoration of Shi-Men and its Catchments Area amounting to NT$141 billion. This paper makes a study of the 1410 Ta-Yu Water Management Alliance formed by a number of civil non-profit organizations for the purpose of supervising and auditing the water management budget. The study seeks to understand how the civil alliance supervises public policies during the legislative process and how they break the alliance structure between the Legislative Yuan and bureaucracy to actually influence policies. By using McAdam’s political opportunity structure theory as its analysis structure, this paper gives an account of the motives and processes of activists in the creation of the water management budget through in-depth interviews, newspaper reports and participate observation. It also analyzes the countering strategies, activities, internal functioning and the results of the supervisory actions of the Water Management Alliance. This research discovered that in the face of the alliance’s proposition of prudent supervision could not be upheld in the face of mutual cooperation within the iron triangle of bureaucracy, the Legislative Yuan and local government. On one hand is the alliance’s inability to mobilize related parties in specific areas due to the issues covering too wide a range and on the other hand is the solid relationship within the iron triangle alliance and negates lobbying efforts in the Legislative Yuan. It is only by a few friendly legislators that mechanisms for the increased disclosure of information, performance evaluation and civil participation were added during negotiations between the ruling and opposition parties. Through these mechanisms it is hoped that more foothold for public involvement and supervision can be found in the following eight years of policy implementation. Also, such mechanisms would allow conservation movements and community college movements which used to be limited to territorial interactions to meet. Whether this new direction in cooperation brings new grassroot support for future environmental movements remains worthy of follow up observation and research.

西元2008年12月18日，聯合國大會通過全球暫緩死刑的決議案，希望各會員國可以暫緩國內的死刑執行，廢除死刑已是世界趨勢。而陳水扁總統也曾於2000年當選後，公開宣示將在任內推行死刑的廢除，作為司法改革的一環。2001年時，法務部長陳定南也表示將在三年內廢除死刑，確立了我國廢除死刑的政策目標並延續至今，正逐步朝無死刑的社會邁進，以符合世界趨勢。然而一個政策的形成，往往受到民眾、相關利益團體和政府等各方行動者的影響，而在我國逐步廢除死刑的過程中，民間人權團體也扮演了相當重要的角色。因此本文的目的是希望瞭解我國在解嚴後，以社會運動的角度來分析廢除死刑運動的發展和其對我國死刑政策所造成的轉變。 研究結果發現，我國廢除死刑運動的興起，與過去曾發生過的許多冤錯案有關。民間團體經由對冤錯案的救援，得以深入瞭解我國司法以及死刑制度的的缺失，因此認為必須廢除死刑。而廢死運動雖然難以獲得一般社運最需要的金錢與人力等資源，但民間團體所具備的專業能力、政治人脈和國際間對此議題的重視，都是我國廢死運動能夠興起並持續的原因。而廢死聯盟成立之後，在他們的努力之下，目前我國絕對死刑的規定已經全部消失， 且停止執行死刑已達三年，並在可預見的未來，使我國的死刑政策繼續朝逐步廢除的方向來邁進。

本文以國家行動為研究目標，意欲探究的是中共政治行動對農民抗議產生的影響以及遭遇農民抗議時中共政治行動的回應。其中，主要探討的是中共中央與地方行動上的差異性。兩者行動上的差異在本文中一方面認定為導致農民抗議產生的外部環境因素（即政治機會），一方面據以探究面對農民抗議時中共中央與地方在回應時所採取的政治行動分別為何。 本文以政治機會結構理論及國家與社會互動理論作為研究理論，並在「中央—地方—農民」三分的分析框架下，提出中央與地方的差異作為研究面向。整理農民抗議的定義、特點、方式、類型及成因時，並討論與之相關的農民權益。在探究行動上的差異對農民抗議的影響以及面對農民抗議時中央與地方的各自行動時，本文從稅費問題及土地徵用來看行動差異對農民抗議的影響，而中央政府的回應行動包括國家重建、事件定調、策略防範以及守住底線。基層政權的回應行動則分別就「官方論調」、「力量對比」、「對上訪時幹部行動的參酌」、「秩序共識下的行動劇碼」，以及「角色扮演」等予以解讀。 / State action is regarded as the research target, intending for the influence on peasant protest by PRC’s action and the response to peasant protest by PRC. Focusing on these two topics, action discrepancy in central-local relations is what I’d like to discuss in this research. For one thing, action discrepancy is seen as the outer environmental factor that brings about the begin of peasant protest. For another, based on action discrepancy,while responding to peasant protest, what the central do and what the local do can be explored. Based on the political opportunity structure theory and the state-society interaction theory, and analyzed on the framework of “central-local–peasant” tripartition, this research presents the discrepancy in central-local relations as main dimension. While definitions, characters, measures, types, and reasons concerning peasant protest are organized, peasant rights and interests are also discussed. The influence on peasant protest by action discrepancy and the actions separately by the central and the local when encountering peasant protest are then explored. This research examines the influence through tax-fee problem and land expropriation, and then concludes that the central actions include state-rebuilding, affair-identifying, strategy-guarding, and deadline-defending, and moreover, interprets the local regime’s actions in such ways like “official-like statement”, “power contrast”, “reference to local cadres’action toward peasant appealings to higher levels(shangfang)”, “act performance on the consensus of order”, and “role play”.