Diploma thesis "Comparation of the Italian political system between 1945 - 1968 and the Czechoslovak political system between 1918 - 1938" compares both these two political systems, deals with their common characteristics and differences and tries to explain the origins of similar settlement in both countries in the followed periods. For these purposes it uses also attempts of the most common Italian political scientists to characterize Italian political system, where there stand above all two thesis on "centripetal polarism" (Giovanni Sartori) and "imperfect bipartism" (Giorgio Galli). An interesting supplemental Tudory is also Farnetti's thesis as some kind of the "third way". Subsequently, those thesis are applied on the case of the ČSR too and it is judged its validity as one of the possible explaining concepts.

The Master's thesis Political System of Venezuela after 1999: From Democracy to Authoritarism? deals with the functional analysis of the contemporary political system of Venezuela. It includes a very complex overview of the crucial legal changes and political events that have shaped the system since 1999. The main constitutional institutions as well as the activities of the civil society are examined from the perspective of the Schumpeter's minimalistic definition of democracy and analyzed more in depth using the qualitative concepts of democracy. The thesis includes a brief introduction to the problematic of the democracy definitions, the hybrid regimes theory and some undemocratic forms of government. On the basis of empirical observations the thesis characterizes the crucial democratic institutions and works with the qualitative analysis of their contemporary functioning. An important part of the thesis is dedicated to the role and space of the civil society, the media and the role of political parties which represent the vital tool of the evaluation of the strengths and weaknesses of the new socio-economic system of Socialism of the XXIst century. This term introduced by the president of the republic Hugo Chávez Frías comprises the ideas of revolution, social equality and elements of the...

This thesis focuses on the study of factionalism in the Communist Party of Vietnam and relates it to the recent problems of the Vietnamese regime. In order to determine the causes of the current crisis in Vietnam and introduce the environment in which Vietnamese elites operate, this study analyses both formal and informal structures of the political system of Vietnam and the principles of their functioning. This thesis criticizes misleading usage of faction as an analytical tool in the works on Vietnam and presents Andrew Nathan's factional model elaborated for China which is applied to Vietnam in a slightly changed form. We present evidence showing that the central political arena in Vietnam displays factional characteristics. Those findings are linked to the problem immobilism in Vietnam which is connected with instability caused by the absence of political initiatives and needed reforms (mainly the political one). Attention is also drawn to the need for the development of a theory of factionalism. Key words: The Communist Party of Vietnam, factional theories, political system of Vietnam

本論文「中共政治體制改革之研究」，共分為六章十六節。 第一章﹕導論。主要分為研究目的與研究範圍，提出共產主義政治體制的基本架構。 第二章﹕本章主要探討中共政治體制改革之背景，共分為兩節，就中共現行政治體制 的積弊以及經濟體制改革對政治體制之衝擊分別加以論述。 第三章﹕本章主要探討政治體制改革之實施，共分為五節。 第一節 中共黨中央之改革 第二節 政府機構體制之改革 第三節 幹部制度之改革 第四節 精簡機構 第五節 「全國人大」之改革 第四章﹕中共關於政治體制改革之討論與反應，共分為兩節。 第一節 中共官方的言論 第二節 中共理界和知識界的反應 第五章﹕中共「十三大」提出的政治體制改革的設想，共分為七節。 第一節 實行黨政分開 第二節 進一步下放權力 第三節 改革政府工作機構 第四節 改革幹部人事制度 第五節 建立社會協商對話制度 第六節 完善社會主義民主政治的若干制度 第七節 加強社會主義法制建設 第六章﹕對中共政治體制改革之評估一代結論。

"The Texas Failure sets forth the thesis that environmental problems are essentially a product of political decisions and that in Texas the political system has failed to respond to environmental problems because it is dominated by polluter-oriented special interests. The argument advanced is that polluter-oriented interests are well protected by state politicians in both the legislature and regulatory agencies of state government. The thesis is organized around an analysis of such political factors as ideology, leadership, decision making and law as they relate to a political consideration of Texas environmental conditions."-- leaf 1.

- Direct presidential election in the Czech Republic: reasons, conditions, consequences This diploma thesis is concerned with different aspects of implementation of the direct presidential election in the Czech Republic. It is aimed to discover the actual reasons for passing the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll., which introduces this institute into the Czech constitutional system. For the purpose of doing so, the thesis is divided into three parts. The first one presents and evaluates particular arguments (historical, political, constitutional, legal etc.), which were used by the proponents of this institute on one hand and by its opponents on the other. The content of the second part is the most extensive as it follows up the comparison of bills attempting to implement the direct presidential election into the Constitutional Act since 2001 up to the present. Therefore this part contains thirteen bills in total, including the one, which later becomes the Act No. 71/2012 Coll. Individual bills are compared and contrasted. The pertinent political and social circumstances accompanying their origin are also briefly mentioned. As the result of this comparison the author comes to the conclusion that the true motive to pass the Constitutional Act No. 71/2012 Coll does not lie in its content or its...

The aim of this thesis is to analyze the process of changing the Czech Constitution from indirect presidential election to direct popular election. This happened in 2012 and it is the most significant change of the Czech Constitution since its adoption. The first chapter of this thesis focuses on characteristics of a president in the Czech Republic and his specific role in the constitutional political system, which is crucial for understanding the topic. The second chapter deals with the process of constitutional change from the indirect to popular presidential election. It describes the history of legislative bills from 1989 to 2012, when the last bill was passed by the Parliament. Also, this chapter introduces an expert discussion about this fundamental constitutional change, as well as its pros and cons. The arguments for a direct election are rare in expert discussion compare to the arguments which are against. The argumentation of the political representation is generally in favor of direct presidential elections. This is in a strong contrast with political scientists and constitutional lawyer's opinion. The strongest argument for a direct election was public demand. The fact that a direct election has no place in the parliamentary political system and has potential to deform the parliamentary...

Toute politique extérieure est une politique publique menée par l’État afin de veiller à ses besoins internationaux. Aussi, pour la planifier, il est nécessaire de prendre en compte le système politique interne de chaque pays ainsi que les enjeux et l’activité sociopolitique des acteurs. Le processus de prise de décisions, l’organisation des forces politiques, les traits d’identité de la nation, les atouts et les défis de l’État, entre autres, sont des facteurs qui ne peuvent pas être laissés de côté au moment de définir l’actuation internationale d’un pays. C’est pourquoi de grandes transformations au sein d’un système politique devraient supposer des altérations sur sa politique extérieure. Cette recherche se propose de vérifier l’étroite relation qui existe entre le système politique vénézuélien et la mise en œuvre de la politique extérieure du pays entre 1999 et 2013, à partir des changements introduits dans la scène politique du Venezuela tout au long de la période présidentielle d’Hugo Chávez et de sa révolution bolivarienne. Ces changements doctrinaux et fondationnels de la société du pays qui seront étudiés en trois étapes, auront des effets visibles sur la politique étrangère à partir de 1999, du fait d’une réorientation des objectifs, d’une nouvelle interprétation de la géopolitique mondiale visant à fortifier le « Sud » et de la forte influence de Chávez au niveau national et international. Le but sera d’analyser la cohérence entre les transformations internes et les transformations internationales de la nation sud-américaine. / Any foreign policy is a public policy run by the State to ensure its international needs. In order to plan for it, it is necessary to take into account the internal political system of each country as well as the stakes and socio-political activity of its actors. The decision-making process, the organization of political forces, the identity traits of the nation, the strengths and challenges of the State, among others, are factors that cannot be left out when defining the international action of a country. This is why major transformations within a political system should imply alterations in its foreign policy. This research aims to verify the close relationship between the Venezuelan political system and the implementation of its foreign policy between 1999 and 2013, based on the changes introduced in Venezuela's political scene throughout the period of Hugo Chávez’s presidency and of his Bolivarian Revolution. These doctrinal and foundational changes in the country's society, which will be studied in three stages, will have visible effects on foreign policy from 1999 onwards, due to a reorientation of objectives, a new interpretation of global geopolitics aimed at fortifying the "South", and the strong influence of Chávez at national and international levels. The goal will be to analyze the coherence between the domestic and the international transformations of the South American nation.

Sous la Ve République, la seconde chambre a été conçue par le constituant comme un soutien prédisposé au Gouvernement et au régime nouvellement établi, eu égard à l’incertitude d’une majorité parlementaire à l’Assemblée nationale. La survenue imprévue de celle-ci aboutit à un rapprochement organique mais aussi fonctionnel de l’Assemblée nationale avec le Gouvernement. La discordance fréquente des majorités parlementaires place alors le Sénat et le bicamérisme dans une position institutionnelle délicate. Devenu un acquis du système politique, le fait majoritaire s’observe incontestablement, depuis l’alternance de 1981, au sein comme entre les deux chambres et influence leur organisation, leur fonctionnement et l’exercice de leurs prérogatives constitutionnelles. Les différentes configurations majoritaires témoignent en revanche d’une certaine spécificité du Sénat du point de vue du fait majoritaire et d’un exercice effectif et non orienté de la fonction parlementaire vis-à-vis du Gouvernement. Le Sénat trouve sa justification dans sa différenciation avec l’autre assemblée et la distanciation qu’il entretient avec le Gouvernement révèle le caractère équilibré du bicamérisme de la Ve République. L’institutionnalisation d’une majorité et ses particularités dans chacune des deux chambres conduisent le droit constitutionnel et le droit parlementaire à ne pas exclure les phénomènes extra-normatifs afin d’appréhender les institutions politiques dans leur fonctionnement effectif. / At the time of the Fifth Republic, the second chamber was devised by the framers of the Constitution as a predisposed support to the Government and the newly-established regime, given the uncertainty of a parliamentary majority within the National Assembly. The unexpected arrival of such a majority led to a closer organic and functional relationship between the National Assembly and the Government. The frequent lack of harmony between parliamentary majorities then put the Senate and the bicameral system in a delicate institutional position. Having become an established right of the political system, majority rule has clearly been observed since the 1981 power changeover, both inside either chamber and between them. It also affects their organisation, the way they operate and exercise their constitutional prerogatives. However, the different majority configurations show a certain specificity of the Senate from the majority rule point of view and in the actual and non-oriented exercise of its parliamentary function in relation with the other chamber, and its distancingfrom the Government reveals the well-balanced nature of the Fifth Republic's bicameralism. As that majority became institutionalised, and because of its specificities in ether chamber, constitutional law and parliamentary law were led not to exclude non-normative occurences in order to gain an understanding of the way political institutions actually work.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-25T20:19:55Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernando Ribeiro Leite Neto.pdf: 967360 bytes, checksum: 0e0c0fb29d5b79780b3fd0cb61568723 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-10-20 / The study intends to identify the institutional relationships among between the executive and legislative branches in the Brazilian coalition presidentialism. The analysis lays its focus on the economic agenda carried on by Fernando Henrique Cardoso in his two mandates (1995-2002) and Lula s first mandate (2003-2006). It is understood that economic agenda can be addressed by Ordinary and Complementary Bills claimed by the executive and approved in the Chamber of Deputies. First of all, the thesis deals with the generic institutional relations among executive and legislative branches within presidential governments (Chapters 1 and 2). After analyzing the institutional and political framework of Brazilian coalition presidentialism (Chapter 3), the study presents the institutional and political dynamics related to the process of executive bills at the Chamber of Deputies. The intention is to address economic agenda s political and institutional features (Chapter 4) / O estudo busca identificar as relações institucionais entre o Poder Executivo e o Poder Legislativo no contexto do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro. A análise foca-se na tramitação da agenda econômica dos dois mandatos de Fernando Henrique Cardoso (1995-2002) e do primeiro mandato de Luis Inácio Lula da Silva (2003-2006). A compreensão do desempenho legislativo presidencial foi apreendida pela tramitação dos projetos de lei ordinária de temática econômica encaminhados pelo Executivo à Câmara dos Deputados. As especificidades institucionais do trâmite da agenda econômica encaminhada pelo Executivo são identificadas em relação aos traços gerais que caracterizam os processos legislativos de outras agendas (projetos de lei ordinária com temáticas social, administrativa, política etc.). Inicialmente, o trabalho trata da dinâmica das relações entre os poderes no âmbito do presidencialismo em geral (Capítulos 1 e 2). Segue-se, após a discussão sobre as especificidades institucionais do presidencialismo de coalizão brasileiro (Capítulo 3), para a documentação e análise das dinâmicas institucionais e políticas pelas quais passam, no interior da Câmara dos Deputados, as peças legislativas da agenda econômica do Executivo. Busca-se, dessa forma, identificar a ocorrência ou não de especificidades no trâmite institucional e político das proposições de tema econômico (Capítulo 4)