No description available.

The history of the Common European Asylum System (CEAS) is often considered to be tightly intertwined to that of European security, and late developments in European cooperation indeed seem to demonstrate that asylum has become first and foremost a matter of security in Europe. Yet, this tightening of policies contrasts with the flourishing of proposals claiming to mainstream equality throughout European legislation. This dissertation examines the way a politicized issue in the field of equality—LGBTI rights—has become incorporated into a cooperation mechanism that is itself divisive among Member States, the CEAS. It answers the following question: what does the European LGBTI asylum debate demonstrate about the role played by politicization in shaping the meaning and form taken by equality in European policies? Through a qualitative inquiry, it shows that while the CEAS has been a key space of renegotiation of LGBTI equality in Europe, this deepening came at the cost of the disarticulation of LGBTI emancipation from migrants’ rights. Contrarily to what has been assumed by the literature on homonationalism, this disarticulation was not strategically constructed by LGBTI activists. It rather originated from the predominance of the paradigm of “migration governance”, which depoliticizes exclusions and divides causes to better manage populations. Consequently, even though politicization is often perceived as a negative phenomenon by policymakers, this dissertation shows that what is needed to make the CEAS hold its promises of protection is not less, but more political debate. Only through this re-politicization will new and collective forms of equality emerge. / Le Régime d’Asile Européen Commun (RAEC) est souvent critiqué pour la vision sécuritaire de l’asile qu’il incarne. Il est vrai que son histoire reste marquée par la volonté des Etats-Membres de contrôler la mobilité humaine sur le sol européen. Toutefois, bien que les récents durcissements des politiques communautaires semblent confirmer cette sécuritisation du droit d’asile, ceux-ci contrastent avec l’affirmation croissante de la nécessité de « mainstreamer » le principe d’égalité au sein du droit européen. Prenant cette contradiction pour point de départ, cette thèse examine la manière dont un enjeu controversé au sein du champ de l’égalité – les droits LGBTI – fut incorporé au sein d’un mécanisme de coopération lui-même conflictuel pour les Etats-Membres, le RAEC. Elle répond à la question suivante : en quoi le débat européen sur l’asile LGBTI interroge-t-il le rôle joué par la politisation dans la redéfinition des politiques d’égalité en Europe ? A partir d’une enquête qualitative, cette thèse montre que si le RAEC fut un espace-clé de l’approfondissement de l’égalité LGBTI en Europe, ce fut au prix de la construction des droits LGBTI et des droits des migrants comme deux enjeux distincts. Cette division, toutefois, prend sa source non pas dans une instrumentalisation homonationaliste, mais plutôt dans les dispositifs dépolitisants de gouvernance et de triage des populations qui prédominent désormais au sein des politiques européennes, dépolitisant les exclusions et fragmentant les causes. Face à cette logique individualisante, seule la repolitisation du débat permettra d’inventer de nouvelles formes de politiques d’égalité porteuses d’émancipation collective.

No description available.

While the politics of immigration in destination countries has been a prominent topic of research in comparative political science in Europe, the same does not apply to emigration and to the perspective of peripherical EU countries. This is true even though the flows of people moving from east to west and from south to north pose potentially significant challenges to ‘sending countries’ in Europe. This article sets up a research agenda aimed at contributing to redress this imbalance. It highlights the need to explore more systematically themes such as (1) the impact of emigration on the political behaviour of both those who stay and those who leave and (2) and how emigration is framed and politicized by relevant societal actors. Ultimately, it draws attention to the fact that a lot of the questions that have been asked about ‘entry’ (immigration) need to be asked about ‘exit’ too (emigration).

The year 2024 started with newspapers filled with articles on farmers taking over European cities. In Germany, the farmers protested the recently announced tax break reduction on agricultural diesel. The protests were quickly instrumentalized by various political actors, which made them highly controversial. This thesis explores how two actors, the German radical right AfD and the center-right CDU, discursively construct climate change within the debates surrounding the farmers’ protests. The focus lies on their use of populism as a strategic communication tool and legitimation strategies that politicize climate change. As such, climate change and environmental discourses are critically reviewed and contextualized, and theories on populism and politicization are presented. The thesis applies a discourse-historical approach (DHA) based on the analytical tools of nomination, predication, and legitimation. The findings conclude that discourses of climate policy conservatism, green patriotism, and climate elitism are applied to re-politicize climate change according to the right-wing agenda. As expected, the AfD mainly applied green patriotism, whereas the CDU applied climate policy conservatism. Both also relied on a newly identified discourse of climate elitism, highlighting the protest dynamics.

No abstract available in dissertation / Politicisation of identities, negotiations and transition in a conflict society / Ethics of a genocide-free Burundi / Philosophy, Practical and Systematic Theology / M.A. (Philosophy)

Cette thèse présente l’évolution temporelle du lien entre les variables politiques et la mobilité des élites administratives dans la fonction publique provinciale au Canada. Considérant la relation entre le gouvernement et l’administration comme une relation mandant-mandataire (principal-agent), la littérature en administration publique décrit l'influence de diverses dynamiques politiques – par exemple un changement de parti au pouvoir – sur le degré d’intervention des gouvernements dans la dotation du personnel administratif. S’appuyant sur la notion de marché bureaucratique (Public Service Bargain) de Hood et Lodge (2006), la présente thèse estime que la relation entre les dynamiques politiques et la mobilité des fonctionnaires s’inscrit dans un contexte sociohistorique. Plutôt que de percevoir l’ensemble des relations politico-administratives comme présentant les caractéristiques de la théorie mandant-mandataire, avec de nombreux conflits pour l’atteinte des objectifs et une grande asymétrie des informations, cette thèse suggère que la mesure dans laquelle diverses dynamiques politiques poussent les gouvernements à procéder à des mises à pied ou à des nominations stratégiques varie avec le temps, en suivant les changements dans ce qui entoure les relations politico-administratives. Les statistiques descriptives et la régression logistique sont principalement utilisées pour analyser l’association entre les variables politiques et la mobilité, à l’aide d’une base de données originale repostant des changements de sous-ministres dans la fonction publique provinciale au Canada de 1920 à 2013. Les résultats empiriques permettent de conclure que l’influence des dynamiques politiques sur la mobilité des fonctionnaires varie en fonction des différents marchés bureaucratiques. Avant la mise en place d’une fonction publique professionnelle, où les relations politico-administratives s’inscrivaient dans un spoils bargain, les changements de gouvernement entraînaient une importante rotation des fonctionnaires. Cette pratique est conforme à un marché bureaucratique où les critères de compétences des fonctionnaires sont indéfinis, et où les fonctionnaires sont loyaux au parti au pouvoir. Dès la fin de la Deuxième Guerre mondiale, jusqu’aux années 1980, l’association entre les dynamiques politiques et la mobilité diminue grandement. Cette pratique correspond au marché bureaucratique de Schaffer (Schafferian bargain), où les gouvernements favorisent la connaissance technique des politiques et la bonne volonté des fonctionnaires à donner des conseils avisés aux membres du gouvernement, peu importe le parti au pouvoir. Dès les années 1980, les dynamiques politiques sont de nouveau associées à la mobilité. Or, non seulement les changements de parti, mais également l’élection de nouveaux chefs à la tête de ceux-ci entraînent une plus grande mobilité. Cette pratique va dans le sens du managerial bargain, où les nominations sont utilisées pour encourager l’allégeance à l’agenda gouvernemental et la compétence est comprise comme étant la bonne gestion du personnel et des ressources dans le but de répondre aux directives du gouvernement. Étudiant les actions stratégiques des gouvernements dans leur contexte sociohistorique, cette étude contribue de manière originale à l’administration publique et à la politique canadienne, en démontrant que les dynamiques politiques jouent un rôle quant à la mobilité des fonctionnaires, bien que la nature de ces dynamiques et l’étendue de leurs effets varient selon les époques, qui présentent des marchés bureaucratiques distincts. / This dissertation studies temporal variances in the relationship between political variables and the mobility of administrative elites in Canada’s provincial bureaucracies. Conceptualizing the association between the government and the bureaucracy as a principal-agent relationship, research in public administration has identified how various political dynamics – such as a transition in the governing party – affects the extent to which governments interfere in the staffing of bureaucratic personnel; removing incumbents and replacing them with persons who are believed to be loyal to government’s policy agenda. This dissertation contributes to this literature by identifying the historical contingencies with which political dynamics effect mobility. Drawing upon Hood and Lodge’s (2006) concept of a Public Service Bargain (PSB), the relationship between political dynamics and mobility is situated within a more precise social-historical context. Rather than approaching political-administrative relationships as universally reflecting the specifications of principal-agent theory – exhibiting a high incidence of goal conflict and information asymmetry – this work claims that the extent to which political dynamics prod governments to strategically dismiss and appoint personnel has varied over time, in tandem with shifts in the contours of political-administrative relationships; specifically, the nature of the bureaucracy’s competency and its loyalty. Primarily using descriptive statistics and logistic regression the association between political variables and mobility is tested with an original dataset of deputy minister turnover in Canada’s provincial bureaucracies between 1920 and 2013. Overall, the empirical evidence supports the conclusion that the effect that political dynamics have on bureaucratic mobility has varied over time across distinct PSBs. Prior to the development of the modern professional bureaucracy, where political-administrative relationships reflected a spoils bargain, transitions in the governing party resulted in increased mobility. Such actions are congruent with a PSB where the nature of governance is of a minimal character; there are no specifications concerning the bureaucracy’s competency; and the bureaucracy’s loyalty is of a partisan nature towards the governing party. Starting in the postwar period and lasting until the 1980s, the association between political dynamics and mobility is significantly reduced. Such is congruent with a Schafferian bargain where governments encourage technical knowledge of policies and a willingness amongst bureaucrats to provide frank counsel to government office holders, regardless of the party in power. Starting in the 1980s however, political dynamics are once again positively associated with mobility. Yet now, not only transitions in party, but all newly elected heads of government lead to increased mobility. This is consistent with a managerial bargain where appointments are used to encourage loyalty to the government’s policy agenda and competency is understood as the ability to manage personnel and resources to realizing the directives dictated by the government. Situating the strategic actions of governments within their social-historical context, this work makes original contributions to the fields of public administration and Canadian politics by showing that when it comes to bureaucratic mobility, political dynamics matter; but which dynamics, and the extent of their effects, vary over time across distinct PSBs.

In this paper I investigate the energy cooperation between the EU and Russia from the political and economic points of view. The relevance of the issue is due to the growing role of energy sector, the need for security of energy supply and demand and for political and economic balance of power in the region, and closer economic integration. Two theoretical approaches, geopolitical and bureaucratic, guiding the research, explain the behavior of protagonists. To better understand the present level of cooperation I analyze the background and dynamics of EU - Russia energy trade relations. As a case study, I investigate the Nord Stream project as an example of successful cooperation of Germany as an EU member state and Russia in this field. I discuss challenges for the healthy mutual partnership in the energy sector, namely, high politicization of the issue, monopolization of Russian energy sector and low sustainability of Russian economic development, and mistrust between the protagonists. I attempt to identify possible policy changes aimed to improve this cooperation and achieve fruitful partnership, security and stability. Key words: Russia, EU, energy, cooperation, Realpolitik, international relations, oil, gas, energy dialogue, ECT, security, balance of power, geopolitics, interest groups,...

La thèse cherche à restituer les mécanismes de la politisation libérale dans la partie continentale du royaume des Deux-Siciles, de l’effondrement de l’Empire napoléonien en 1815 au moment où se précisent les voies de l’annexion du royaume méridional dans l’Italie en construction, au milieu des années 1850. Le croisement de la documentation administrative, des écrits personnels des libéraux et de leurs productions politiques permet d’identifier ce courant avec l’opposition patriotique à la monarchie restaurée des Bourbons. Il prend la forme d’une société d’opposants réticulée et disparate, davantage anti-absolutiste qu’elle n’est idéologiquement libérale, qui s’est appuyée sur les pratiques politiques locales pour contester le pouvoir centralisé mis en place par la monarchie française d’occupation (1806-1815) et maintenu par Ferdinand IV de Bourbon après 1815. À partir de cinq observatoires régionaux (la capitale, les deux Principats Citérieur et Ultérieur et les provinces calabraises de Cosenza et de Reggio), choisis pour leur représentativité au regard des structures politiques du royaume, cette thèse veut mettre en évidence les structures et les rythmes de la politisation libérale sur le temps long de la période pré-unitaire, par-delà les seules révolutions de 1820-1821 et de 1848 plus particulièrement étudiées par l’historiographie. À travers un parcours chronologique, on interrogera l’articulation du courant libéral napolitain avec le « libéralisme » qui se structure au même moment dans l’espace plus large des révolutions occidentales, la permanence du personnel politique, la tension entre espaces politiques locaux et nationaux et l’appropriation complexe de la construction nationale italienne, qui se précise au lendemain des révolutions de 1848. / The thesis aims to study the mechanisms of liberal politicization in the continental part of the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies, from the collapsing of the Napoleonic Empire in 1815 to the acceleration of the Italian national construction in the middle 1850s. By crossing the administrative documentation, the liberals’ personal writings and their political productions, this political movement can be identificated with the patriotical opposition to the restored monarchy of the Bourbons. It constitutes a reticulated and disparate society of opponents, more anti-absolutist than ideologically liberal, who used to lean on local political practises to contest the centralized power instituted by the French occupation monarchy (1806-1815) and maintained by Ferdinand IV after 1815. On the basis of five regional observatories (the capital, the two Citerior and Ulterior Principates and the Calabrian provinces of Cosenza and Reggio), chosen for their representativity towards the political structures of the kingdom, the thesis wants to enlighten the structures and the rhythms of liberal politicization in the long period of the lungo Risorgimento, beyond the two revolutions of 1820-1821 and 1848 particularly studied by historiography. Through a chronological approach, we will question the links between the Neapolitan liberal movement with the European forms of « liberalism », the permanence of political actors, the tension between local and national political spaces and the difficult appropriation of the Italian national construction, which becomes more precise after the 1848 revolutions. / La tesi mette al centro della sua riflessione i meccanismi della politicizzazione liberale nella parte continentale del Regno delle Due Sicilie, dalla caduta dell’Impero napoleonico nel 1815 al momento in cui si precisano le modalità di annessione del regno meridionale all’Italia in costruzione, a partire dal 1850. Il confronto tra la documentazione amministrativa, gli scritti personali dei liberali e le loro produzioni politiche permette di identificare questo movimento politico come l’opposizione patriottica alla monarchia restaurata dei Borboni. Esso si presenta inoltre come una società di oppositori, ramificata e diffusa su tutto il territorio del Regno, più di matrice anti-assolutista che ideologicamente liberale, che si è affidata alle pratiche politiche locali per contestare il potere centralizzato della monarchia francese durante il Decennio (1806-1815) e, dopo il 1815, di Ferdinando IV di Borbone al momento del suo ritorno sul trono di Napoli. Concentrandosi su cinque spazi geografici ben definiti (la capitale, i due Principati Citra e Ultra e le provincie calabrese di Cosenza e di Reggio), scelti per la loro rappresentatività rispetto alle strutture politiche del regno, la tesi di dottorato vuole studiare le strutture e i ritmi della politicizzazione liberale sul lungo periodo del Risorgimento preunitario, oltre alle rivoluzioni del 1820-1821 e del 1848, ampiamente analizzate dalla storiografia. Utilizzando un approccio cronologico, si propone infine una riflessione sul movimento liberale napoletano in comparazione al « liberalismo » risultato delle altre rivoluzioni occidentali, sulla permanenza del personale politico, sulla tensione tra gli spazi politici locali e nazionali e sulla difficile appropriazione della costruzione nazionale italiana che si definisce all’indomani del 1848.Parole chiave : politicizzazione ; rivoluzione ;

Made available in DSpace on 2016-07-27T13:44:59Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 JOSE IZECIAS DE OLIVEIRA.pdf: 5016288 bytes, checksum: 65a7aa0710780b5b94a16d6290d99206 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-05-29 / The object of the research is the educational inequality in Brazil, analyzed as human development measure in terms of social and economic components measured by longevity, education and income. It adopts the method of historical and dialectical materialism, in order to size the contradictions in the social construction of the inequalities, after the Federal Constitution of 1988. The thesis is linked to the research line: State, Educational institutions of the Program of Post-Graduation of PUC, Goiás, developed under the qualitative approach, of explanatory aspect, with documentary and statistical analyses, based on the last three censuses systematized by the consortiums UNDP, Ipea and FJP, published in 2012 and 2014. It chooses the Federative Unit of Goiás, in the simultaneous investigation of municipal spatiality and Human Development Units (HDU), which include the metropolitan areas of Goiânia and surrounding Federal District. The extreme twelfths are statistically used to encompass syntheses involving 246 municipalities and more than 400 HDU, which design dimensions of Educational Inequality rates (EIR) and Routes of Overcoming (RO). The analysis of the Brazilian concrete reality reveals how educational inequality of relief, for the last decade of the 20th century and first of the 21st, one schooling of only 55% of the graduating students from primary education. It demonstrates is a transmutation of this inequality in vulnerabilities education-income, involving social collective made unequal, sacrificed by poverty and indigence of children, elderly, mothers responsible for their homes, and workers without urban mobility. Education inequalities changing in vulnerabilities expose a refined quality of inequalities, not abstract. It is shown that the movement for overcoming the concrete reality passes by re-politicization of the State, from the popular collectives, constructing a new relation that overcomes the abstract plan to give way to the concrete. / O objeto da pesquisa é a desigualdade educacional no Brasil, analisado como medida de desenvolvimento humano, nos termos das componentes sociais e econômica aferidos pela longevidade, educação e renda. Adota-se o método do materialismo histórico e dialético, com vistas a apreender as contradições na construção social das desigualdades, após a Constituição Federal de 1988. A tese vincula-se à Linha de Pesquisa: Estado, Políticas e Instituições Educacionais do Programa de Pós-Graduação da PUC Goiás, desenvolvida sob a abordagem qualitativa, de caráter exploratório, com análise documental e estatística, com base nos três últimos censos sistematizados pelo consórcio PNUD, Ipea e FJP, publicados em 2012 e 2014. Escolhe-se a Unidade Federativa goiana, na investigação simultânea das espacialidades municipais e das Unidades de Desenvolvimento Humano (UDH), que englobam as Regiões Metropolitanas de Goiânia e do Entorno do Distrito Federal. Os duodécimos extremos são estatisticamente utilizados para abarcar sínteses que envolvem 246 municípios e mais de 400 UDH, que projetam dimensões de Taxas de Desigualdade Educacional (TdE) e Percursos de Superação (PeS). A análise da realidade concreta brasileira desvela como desigualdade educacional de relevo, para a última década do século XX e a primeira do XXI, uma escolarização de apenas 55% dos trabalhadores concluintes do ensino fundamental. Demonstra-se uma transmudação dessa desigualdade em vulnerabilidades educação-renda, envolvendo coletivos sociais feitos desiguais, sacrificados pela pobreza e indigência de crianças, idosos, mães chefes de domicílios e trabalhadores sem mobilidade urbana. Desigualdades educacionais transformando-se em vulnerabilidades expõem uma refinada qualidade das desigualdades, não mais abstratas. Mostra-se que o movimento para a superação da realidade concreta passa pela repolitização do Estado, a partir dos coletivos populares, construindo uma nova relação que supere o plano abstrato para dar lugar ao concreto.