The thesis investigates the position of Olympism in international relations. The introductory chapters deal with institutional structure of the Olympic Movement, which is headed by the International Olympic Committee. The following chapters examine Olympism in connection with selected political issues. These are political interests of states and other subjects, conflicts and cooperation among states. The question of boycotts is addressed in a separate chapter. The aim of the thesis is to evaluate the role of Olympism in international relations in a comprehensive manner. The thesis uses several historical examples that show how the Olympic Movement coped with given political challenges. From the mentioned examples and the evaluation of development, the most important factors for Olympism are finally deduced, i.e. commercialization, mediatization and politicization.

Recently in the West, interest in the memory of the Holocaust considered as a commonly shared dark past has increased. In Ukraine the commemoration of the Holocaust is affected by the ongoing nation-building process, with a focus on the collective memories of the Holodomor (the Famine of 1932-1933) and the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN). At the core of the debates around the Holocaust remembrance lies the memorialization of Babyn Yar, a multilayered memory site where Jewish and non-Jewish collective memories compete. Public and political actors vie for its memorial space in order to promote their own views through recognition of their respective tragedies. The memorialization and landscape of Babyn Yar is therefore transformed together with changes in the memory politics of the Holocaust. This thesis studies the contemporary politics of memory and commemoration of the Holocaust in Ukraine with a focus on Babyn Yar and its memorial objects. Through the illustrations of the memory site this project analyzes the memorial space and grounds and explores the struggles over the collective memories in Ukraine.

Cette thèse se propose de rendre compte du changement dans les manières de faire et de penser le théâtre indépendant en Argentine entre 1983 et 2003. Le contexte socio-politique étant fortement marqué dans les années post-dictature, l’activité théâtrale se reconfigure, et ce changement suppose une modification de l’ordre des pratiques. Il implique, pour la communauté théâtrale, à la fois des bouleversements d’ordre symbolique des catégories de perception et d’appréciation.À travers une approche située au croisement de l’analyse sociologique du phénomène et de l’analyse de ses spécificités esthétiques, nous suivrons trois objectifs. Premièrement, il s’agira de procéder à une analyse sociohistorique du concept polysémique d’indépendance théâtrale, afin de déterminer ses différents usages et significations. Deuxièmement, nous analyserons la reconfiguration de l’espace théâtral indépendant à travers ses différents acteurs (artistes, médiateurs, critiques), les oeuvres qui ont fait date et les espaces de création, de circulation et de légitimation. In fine, nous identifierons les formes de production d’une nouvelle théâtralité (c’est-à-dire les modalités spécifiques du jeu des comédiens dans la fabrique de la fiction théâtrale et dans leur rapport au réel) ainsi que la possible émergence d’une politicité au cœur de la production de la nouvelle scène indépendante et contemporaine en Argentine. / The aim of this thesis is to account for the changes occurred in the ways independent theatre is performed and thought about in Argentina, between 1983 and 2003. The social-political context is strongly marked by the post dictatorship years therefore the activity linked to theatre is reconfigured and this change implies a revision of this very practice. For the performing community, it implies a reworking of the symbolic order in relation to both perception and appreciation of theatre.In this approach at the crossroad of sociological analysis of the artistic phenomena and the comprehension of its esthetical specificity, we will pursue three goals. First, we will embark in a socio-historical analysis of the polysomic concept of theatrical independence, in order to define its meanings and practices. Secondly, we will analyse the reconfiguration of independent theatre through its various players (artists, facilitators critics), as well as the major theatre works that have been a landmark and the analysis of spaces for creativity, movement and legitimation of such works. Finally, we will identify the forms of production for a new theatrical approach (the way comedians act, create a new type of fiction and how they connect to reality) as well as the possible emergence of a political pledge at the very heart of the new independent and contemporary scene of Argentina’s theatre.

Participant à une certaine opacité dans son étude générale, la civilisation nomade des steppes Eurasiatiques fut longtemps considérée comme apolitique et symboliquement ancrée dans la barbarie. Cependant, cette dernière demeure un sanctuaire d’investigation scientifique à l’intérieur duquel le politique s’est considérablement manifesté par la création de nombreuses confédérations tribales. Opérant son entrée dans l’histoire de l’humanité en tant qu’élément perturbateur des sociétés sédentaires, les peuples de la Haute Asie ont ainsi participé, durant près de deux mille ans, à la chute, au bouleversement ou au renouveau des plus grandes civilisations. La création et l’expansion de l’empire gengiskhanide, dès le début du XIIIème siècle a permis de démontrer la faculté pour ces populations de pasteurs nomades d’opérer d’importantes modifications au sein même de leur morphologie sociale, et ce pour les besoins du politique et de la guerre vers l’extérieure. Cependant examinée de l’intérieur, cette civilisation atypique n’en reste pas moins problématique, notamment du fait de son actualisation culturelle. Cette dernière, accomplie au travers de concepts socio culturels alliant pensée animiste, spiritualité chamanique et utilisation de représentations sociales à aspects zoomorphiques, ne semble rentrer dans aucune grille de lecture impériale. La symbolique du loup est ainsi devenue omniprésente dans l’évolution de la morphologie tribale altaïque, participant à une unification massive des tribus turco-mongoles sous l’hégémonie hiérocratique de Gengis Khan. Devenu progressivement élément mythologique attracteur, l’animal carnassier s’est ainsi frayé une place de choix au sein de la mentalité collective nomade, participant directement au chamboulement de la morphologie tribale, pour les besoins du politique et de l’expansion de la civilisation des steppes en terres sédentaires. Au delà de la simple utilisation lycanthropique de l’ancêtre clanique, sa symbolique, réutilisée habilement par Gengis Khan, est en mesure de démontrer à la fois le dynamisme politique à apposer aux sociétés considérées à tort comme «primitives», tout comme l’instauration d’une identité sociale et d’une idéologie guerrière prédatrices. Etablissant de ce fait l’entité nomade comme antagonique mais complémentaire avec la pensée et l’histoire humaine sédentaire. / Participating in a certain opacity in it’s general study, the nomadic civilization of Eurasian steppe was long regarded as non-political and symbolically rooted in barbary. However, the latter remains a sanctuary of scientific investigation within which the political has significantly expressed itself by the creation of many Tribal confederations. It’s entry operates in the history of mankind as a disruptive element of sedentary societies. People of High Asia participated for almost two thousand years to the collapse, disruption or renewal of the world’s greatest civilizations. From the beginning of the 13th century the creation and expansion of the gengiskhanid empire enabled the demonstration of the faculty of these nomad pastors. They operated major changes in their social morphology for the political needs and because of the war outside. Examined from the interior, this atypical civilization remains questions. This is a result of cultural updating. The latter, accomplished through social and cultural concepts combining animist thinking, shamanist spirituality and the utilisation of social representations with zoomorphic aspects doesn’t fit any imperial cases studies. The symbolic representation of the wolf became ubiquitous in the development of the Tribal-Altaic morphology and participation of a massive unification of Turko-Mongolian clans under the hierocratic hegemony of Gengis Khan. The carnivorous animal had progressively became administred as an attraction mythological element and cleared the way to the Tribal collective mentality. This participating directly to the disruption of Tribal morphology for the political needs and expansion of the steppe civilization in settled population territories. Beyond the single lycanthropic utilization of the Tribal ancestor, its symbolism skillfully reused by Gengis Khan demonstrates simultaneously the political dynamism to pin on societes mistakenly considered as « primitive », and the establishment of a predatory social identity and war-making ideology created de facto the nomadic identity as an antagonist but complementary to the social wores and history of human sedentary. / Судалгааны хувьд ерөнхийдөө зарим тайлбарлахад амаргүй байдлыг хуваалцахад, Евро- Азийн тал нутгийн соёлыг урт хугацааны туршид зэрлэг бүдүүлэг байдалтай байсан хэмээн үздэг. Гэсэн хэдий ч сүүлд оршин байсан ариун дагшин газраас шинжлэх ухааны судалгаа авч үзвэл олон овог аймгийн нэгтгэн байгуулсан улс төрийн байдал нь нэлээд тод томруун харуулж өгдөг байна. Хүн төрлөгтөний түүхийн хувьд авч үзвэл уналт, өөрчлөлтийн зөрчилдөөн эсвэл илүү том нөлөө бүхий соёл иргэншлээр шинэчлэл явагдсан байдал зэргээр сууршмал нийгмийн хөгжил нь төв азийн нүүдэлчин улс орнуудын оролцоо нөлөөгөөр 2000 орчим жил тасалдсан. Улс төрийн болон гадагш хандсан дайны шаардлагаар Чингис хааны эзэнт гүрний байгуулалт болон тэлэлт нь 13-р зууны эхэн үед нийгмийн бүтцэд чухал өөрчөлтүүдийг бий болгоход малчин нүүдэлчид их нөлөө үүрэг гүйцэтгэсэн гэдгийг илэрхий харуулж өгдөг. Гэвч дотоод байдлыг нь ухан авч үзвэл энэхүү өвөрмөц соёл багагүй асуудалтай байсан бөгөөд дашрамд дурдахад соёлын өөрчлөлтийн нөлөө ч бас илэрхий байв. Энэхүү нийгэм соёлын үзэл баримтлалыг нь өргөнөөр авч үзвэл сүнслэгжүүлсэн үзэл санаа, бөөгийн сүнслэг үзэл болон амьтны сүнстэй холбосон үзэл санаан дээр тулгуурласан нийгмийн төлөөллийг ашигласан зэрэг нь эзэнт гүрний утга зохиолын хүрээнд оруулсан байдаг. Чингис хааны доор Түрэг-монголчуудын овгуудын өргөнөөр нэгтгэсэн байдлыг хамруулан Алтайн овгийн хэл зүйн хувьсал өөрчлөлтөнд чонын билиг тэмдгийн талаар хаа сайгүй дурдагдсан байдаг. Бодлогын зорилгоор болон соёлын алхамын тэлэлтүүд сууршиж, нүүдэлчдийн ерөнхий сэтгэлгээнд үлгэр домгийн хэлбэрүүд аажмаар багасаж махчин амьтны талаарх сэдэв түгэж эхлэсэн бөгөөд овгийн хэл зүйд шууд өөрчлөлтөнд нөлөө үзүүлэв. Эртний отог аймгийн энгийн бэлэг тэмдэг болсон чонын утгыг Чингис Хаанаар дамжуулан цааш улс төрийн хүч, итгэл үнэмшлийг харуулах арга замаар ухаалгаар дахин ашиглагдаж ирсэн байдал нь хэсэг бүлгийнхний дүгнэлтэнд буруугаар тайлбарлагдах шалтгаан болсон бөгөөд балар эртний дайтан эзлэн түрэмгийлэгч хэмээн тэд авч үзэх болсон бөгөөд нүүдэлчдийн энэхүү байдлыг хувиа хичээсэн байдлаар оршин тогтнож байсан хэдий ч сууршмал соёлын үзэл баримтлал холбоотой зүйлс бас байсан байна хэмээн үзжээ.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-08-10T10:47:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 DANILO MARQUES BORGES.pdf: 1107337 bytes, checksum: 56f9e88391c486e83abf677306f8893c (MD5) Previous issue date: 2014-11-25 / This thesis aims to address the institute of international criminal liability established by the International Criminal Court in light of its importance to the effectiveness of human rights protection. Having goals and understand how they developed the idea of an international criminal law consubstancializado the International Criminal Court, established by the United Nations in 1998 by the Rome Statute. The guiding research questions are: in times of International Criminal Court, further justified the creation of courts of exception? The prediction of item "b" of article 13 of the Rome Statute is sufficient to remove the circumstantial character of established courts to hold nationals of countries not signatory to the said statute or only increases the selectivity and politicization of international accountability for the commission of violations of human rights? The overall objective of the study is to analyze the establishment of international criminal accountability procedures specified in paragraph "b" of article 13 of the Rome Statute to investigate crimes committed by nationals of countries that are not signatories or the said treaty or no show interest in human rights violators accountable. Specific objectives has been, first, to understand, in historical perspective, the process of asserting human rights as a subject of international law and politics, highlighting her background and early experiences; set of principles to understand the structure and jurisdiction of the International Criminal Court emphasizing the complementary nature of its jurisdiction; analyze the procedure of international cooperation, particularly the Office of the delivery, as mitigation instrument of selectivity trials authorized by Security Council Resolution enclose; and, finally, demonstrate that despite selective and highly politicized performances of the International Criminal Court have contributed largely to expand the recognition of human rights as a matter of jus cogens. / A presente dissertação pretende abordar o instituto da responsabilidade penal internacional instituída pelo Tribunal Penal Internacional em face de sua importância para a efetividade da proteção dos Direitos Humanos. Tendo como objetivos entender como se desenvolveu a ideia de um direito penal internacional consubstancializado no Tribunal Penal Internacional, instituído pela Organização das Nações Unidas em 1998, por meio do Estatuto de Roma. As questões que orientam a pesquisa são: em tempos de Tribunal Penal Internacional, ainda se justifica a criação de tribunais de exceção? A previsão da alínea b do artigo 13 do Estatuto de Roma é suficiente para retirar o caráter circunstancial de tribunais instituídos para responsabilizar pessoas nacionais de países não signatários do referido estatuto ou somente aumenta a seletividade e a politização da responsabilização internacional pela prática de violações de direitos humanos? O objetivo geral do estudo é analisar a forma de instauração de procedimentos de responsabilização penal internacional prevista na alínea b do artigo 13 do Estatuto de Roma para se apurar crimes cometidos por nacionais de países que ou não são signatários do referido tratado ou não demonstram interesse em responsabilizar violadores de direitos humanos. Como objetivos específicos tem-se, primeiramente, compreender, em perspectiva histórica, o processo de afirmação dos direitos humanos como tema de direito e de política internacional, ressaltando seus antecedentes e as primeiras experiências; compreender a principiologia, a estrutura e a competência do Tribunal Penal Internacional enfatizando o caráter complementar de sua jurisdição; analisar o procedimento de cooperação internacional, mormente o instituto da entrega, como instrumento mitigador da seletividade que julgamentos autorizados por resolução do Conselho de Segurança encerram; e, por fim, demonstrar que apesar de seletivas e altamente politizadas as atuações do Tribunal Penal Internacional têm contribuído em larga escala para a ampliação do reconhecimento dos direitos humanos como tema de jus cogens.

Made available in DSpace on 2015-03-03T19:27:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 0 Previous issue date: 20 / Nenhuma / A dissertação História e Memória do Ambientalismo no Vale do Rio dos Sinos propõem uma análise histórica de iniciativas de proteção ao meio ambiente que ocorreram na região da Bacia Hidrográfica do Rio dos Sinos (Rio Grande do Sul). Essa análise parte dos primórdios do movimento ambientalista brasileiro, retomando o trabalho iniciado por Henrique Luiz Roessler com a fundação da União Protetora da Natureza (1955), e estende-se até o começo dos anos 90, destacando lutas ambientalistas relevantes no Vale do Rio dos Sinos e contemplando aspectos do desenvolvimento do ambientalismo que excedem o espaço geográfico abordado pela pesquisa. A proposta que orientou a construção da pesquisa insere-se na linha da História Ambiental, e mais especificamente, na linha dos estudos históricos voltados para a compreensão dos problemas ambientais contemporâneos. Dentro dessa perspectiva, a pesquisa valorizou práticas culturais que possibilitaram a exposição e discussão pública das demandas ambientalistas no Vale dos Sinos e c / The dissertation História e Memória do Ambientalismo no Vale do Rio dos Sinos (History and Memory of Environmentalism at Rio dos Sinos Vale) pro poses an historical analysis of protection initiative to the environment that happened at Rio dos Sinos Drainage-Basin region (Rio Grande do Sul). This analysis starts from the beginning of Brazilian environmentalist movement, retaking the work started by Henrique Luiz Roessler with the foundation of União Protetora da Natureza (Nature Protector Union) (1955), and extends until early in the 90ths and stands out relevant environmentalist struggles in Vale do Rio dos Sinos and observing aspects of environmentalism that the geographic space approached by the research. The proposal that lead the research construction inserts itself in the line of Environmental History, and more specifically, in the line of historical studies faced to the understanding of contemporary environmental problems. Inside this perspective, the research has prized cultural practices that make po

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T18:18:14Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Fernanda Raquel.pdf: 4548837 bytes, checksum: bf82a2dcd5cb2eb54120d565dd8c0866 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009-10-05 / Fundação de Amparo a Pesquisa do Estado de São Paulo / The goal of this dissertation is to analyze two strategies of politicization of the body: the work of the Japanese theater group Gekidan Kaitaisha, connected to the thinking of the sixties avant-garde in Japan, and the investigations of the Brazilian choreographer Cristian Duarte who has created what we call temporary collectives". The issues that contaminate these experiences were the starting point to rethink possible body-environment interactions in the scene, as well as intercultural mediation processes. The common trait of the trajectories of these artists are the ways to give visibility to the power relations in the environments where they operate. Therefore, although living in very different cultures, both Gekidan Kaitaisha and Cristian Duarte s temporary collectives have questioned the notions of identity, origin and influence, making cracks emerge in stable conceptions of the body and culture, and opening various types of dialogue between East and West. Starting from an undisciplined approach, the theoretical frame of reference of this dissertation was based on the mediabody studies of Christine Greiner and Helena Katz (2001), in the discussion of cultural identity and hybridism conducted by Homi Bhabha (2003), and concepts of politics and politicization of Giorgio Agamben (2001, 2002 and 2006). The works of Muniz Sodré (2002 and 2006) and Jesús Martín-Barbero (1997) were essential to clarify the understanding of communication that guided the present research whose point of departure is the analysis of mediation processes offered by the selected experiences and its sensitive strategies. In addition to the bibliographic research, the methodological procedure included two field researches: the experience with Gekidan Kaitaisha during the studies developed in Japan, and the residence with the choreographer Cristian Duarte in São Paulo. This dissertation study the possibility of politicization of the body and the scene, from communication strategies that dislocate what is considered stable and closed into a field of instability and permeability characteristic of all bodily phenomena / O objetivo desta dissertação é analisar duas estratégias de politização do corpo: o trabalho do grupo de teatro japonês Gekidan Kaitaisha, vinculado ao pensamento de vanguarda dos anos sessenta no Japão; e a pesquisa desenvolvida pelo coreógrafo brasileiro Cristian Duarte que tem criado o que nomeamos de "coletivos temporários". As questões que contaminam estas experiências foram o pretexto necessário para repensar possíveis interações entre corpo-ambiente na cena, assim como processos de mediação entre culturas. O traço comum observado na trajetória destes criadores está nos modos de dar visibilidade às relações de poder presentes nos ambientes onde atuam. Portanto, embora vivam em culturas muito distintas, tanto o grupo Gekidan Kaitaisha, quanto os coletivos temporários de Cristian Duarte têm questionado as noções de identidade, origem e influência, fazendo emergir fissuras nas concepções estáveis do corpo e da cultura, e abrindo diferentes possibilidades de diálogo entre Oriente e Ocidente. A partir de uma abordagem indisciplinar, o quadro de referência teórica desta dissertação fundamentou-se nos estudos do corpomídia elaborados por Christine Greiner e Helena Katz (2001), na discussão acerca de identidade cultural e hibridismos realizada por Homi Bhabha (2003), e nas noções de política e politização de Giorgio Agamben (2001, 2002 e 2006). As obras de Muniz Sodré (2002 e 2006) e de Jesús Martín-Barbero (1997) apresentam-se também como fundamentais para explicitar o entendimento de comunicação que norteia a presente pesquisa, que tem como ponto de partida a análise dos processos de mediação propostos pelas experiências selecionadas e suas estratégias sensíveis. Além da pesquisa bibliográfica, o procedimento metodológico incluiu dois estudos de campo: a vivência com o grupo Gekidan Kaitaisha durante o período de estudo no Japão, e um período de residência em São Paulo com o coreógrafo Cristian Duarte. Esta dissertação estuda a possibilidade de politização do corpo e da cena, a partir de estratégias de comunicação que deslocam aquilo que é apresentado como estável e fechado para um campo de instabilidades e permeabilidade característico de todos os fenômenos corporais

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-26T20:21:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Adriana Ancona de Faria.pdf: 940099 bytes, checksum: d2d3f788d42e58be5efd9f1bf12b96f5 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2013-05-15 / This PhD dissertation examines decisions by the Brazilian Supreme Court (Supremo Tribunal Federal STF) on cases involving electoral law to assess whether they spring from judicial activism and whether such decisions have contributed to the strengthening or weakening of democracy in Brazil. The present study focuses specifically on eight landmark STF judicial review decisions, all issued after 1988, but also examines Electoral Supreme Court (Tribunal Superior Eleitoral TRE) rulings when they are relevant to the understanding of the STF decision under scrutiny. The overall analysis is based on a critique of the concept of Estado democrático de Direito as defined by the 1988 Federal Constitution and the judicial review system it establishes so as to define which practices could be read as judicial activism likely to present risks to democracy. It is suggested that STF inconsistency allows for abusive judicial interference in electoral matters. The above-mentioned landmark cases are discussed from the viewpoint of those theories of Law and of constitutional hermeneutics more influential in Brazilian judicial practice. Special attention is given to the works of Ronald Dworkin, John Hart Ely, Robert Alexy and Luis Roberto Barroso. The work of Conrado Hübner Mendes is also discussed as a theoretical tool within the effort to build up new criteria for judicial action in the framework of the separation of powers. As an alternative to the debate between democracy and constitutionalism, Mendes offers a criterion for court decisions based on the interaction between the Legislative and the Judiciary. The analyses of the cases points to a tendency to judicial activism by the STF (coupled with the TSE) on electoral matters. Such tendency is characterized by a piece-meal, arbitrary approach which runs counter to the Brazilian Constitutional order and violates the balance of powers by disregarding legitimate options by the majority of the legislature. As a response to the dangers such activism poses to democracy, this study argues for the need to have STF decisions based on clearly defined legal criteria, apt to demonstrate the legal value at stake in each case and which do not intrude upon legitimate Legislative autonomy / O presente trabalho realiza um estudo concreto sobre decisões judiciais tomadas pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal (STF) no campo dos direitos político-eleitorais, a fim de aferir se tem atuado de forma ativista e se essa atuação tem contribuído para o aprofundamento ou para o enfraquecimento da democracia. Constituem objeto de estudo decisões paradigmáticas proferidas pelo STF depois de 1988, em sede de controle de constitucionalidade, e, de forma incidental, atuações do Tribunal Superior Eleitoral (TSE), quando dialogarem diretamente com as decisões do STF em estudo. Para a realização dessa análise, apresentamos uma leitura sobre o conceito de Estado Democrático de Direito definido pela Constituição Federal de 1988 e sobre o sistema de controle de constitucionalidade estabelecido, a fim de conceituar práticas que configurariam um ativismo judicial de riscos democráticos. Entendendo que a falta de consistência decisória do STF permite uma atuação abusiva do Judiciário, procedemos a um estudo de casos à luz de relevantes teorias do direito e da hermenêutica constitucional, que têm dialogado com a prática judicial brasileira e se destacado no debate constitucional em geral. Ressaltam-se especialmente as posições defendidas por Ronald Dworkin, John Hart Ely, Robert Alexy e Luís Roberto Barroso. No enfrentamento do desafio da construção de novos critérios para a atuação judicial dentro de uma análise sobre separação de Poderes, avaliamos a reflexão desenvolvida por Conrado Hübner Mendes, que apresenta uma proposta do processo decisório calcada na interação dos Poderes Legislativo e Judiciário como uma alternativa teórica ao debate entre democracia e constitucionalismo. Pelo percurso realizado o trabalho identifica uma atitude ativista do STF no campo político-eleitoral em parceria com o TSE , caracterizada por uma atuação casuística e arbitrária que contraria a ordem constitucional brasileira e na qual o Judiciário viola o equilíbrio do sistema político, desrespeitando legítimas opções da representação majoritária. Buscando enfrentar os riscos democráticos identificados, o trabalho, ao final, defende a importância da construção de uma atuação do STF embasada na elaboração de juízos jurídicos que distingam o valor jurídico em causa e que seja deferente ao Legislativo

La Police Nationale est l’une des professions les plus syndiquées en France, avec un taux de syndicalisation proche des 70%. Pourtant, les recherches sur le militantisme et les mouvements sociaux pensent souvent les policiers comme les instruments de la répression, comme le bras armé de l’État, mais bien plus rarement comme des travailleurs soumis, comme d’autres, à des pressions de leur hiérarchie et à des difficultés professionnelles. A partir de ce constat, et grâce à une enquête socio-ethnographique, cette thèse questionne l’organisation et le fonctionnement du syndicalisme policier. Après une mise en perspective historique permettant de présenter les modalités de construction et d’évolution du syndicalisme policier, l’analyse porte sur le travail syndical de représentation et le rapport au politique. Nous montrons ainsi que les syndicalistes policiers articulent un important travail de service aux adhérents (en participant notamment aux commissions administratives paritaires qui gèrent les carrières des fonctionnaires) et des formes de mobilisations plus conflictuelles. Comme dans d’autres milieux, les syndicalistes policiers sont soumis à une logique de professionnalisation, mais les permanents syndicaux sont accompagnés, dans leur travail, par un important réseau de militants et délégués qui contribuent à entretenir la proximité avec les travailleurs. En mobilisant et en questionnant le concept bourdieusien de champ, nous interrogeons enfin les relations entre le champ syndical policier et le champ politique. Les syndicalistes policiers entretiennent un rapport ambivalent et très circonstancié au politique, entre rejet, mise à distance et appropriation. Notre démarche ethnographique permet de saisir les logiques de différenciation des pratiques en fonction des acteurs, et plus particulièrement en fonction du niveau de responsabilité. Ainsi, si l’évitement du politique est la règle générale, elle est appliquée avec bien plus de rigueur au niveau départemental qu’au niveau national. / The French National Police force is one of the most unionised professions in the country: close to 70%. Yet most of the scientific research on activism and social movements only considers police officers as a entities within the state repression system, and rarely as workers who experience, as any others, pressures from their management and professional struggles. Based on these observations, and using a socio-ethnographic survey, our thesis aims to question the organization and running of French police unionism. After a brief analysis of the historical process of construction and evolution of police unionism, we examine the unions representation work and its relation to politics.We notably demonstrate that police unionists articulate an important work of service to their paying members (by participating in the joint administrative commissions which manage the careers of civil servants) and forms of more conflicting mobilizations. As in other environments, police unionists are subject to a logic of professionalization, but the union officials are accompanied in their work by a large network of activists and representatives who contribute to maintaining proximity with the workers.Mobilizing and questioning Bourdieu's concept of “field”, we finally examine the relations between the police union field and the political field. Police unionists entertain an ambivalent and very circumstantial relationship to politics, caught between rejection, distanciation and appropriation. Our ethnographic approach allows us to grasp the logic of practice differentiation by stakeholder, and more particularly by level of responsibility. Thus, if avoiding politics is the general rule, it is applied much more rigorously at the local level than at the national level.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-28T20:12:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Marcelo Castaneda de Araujo.pdf: 2211859 bytes, checksum: ed2e943bbeb885785f5e8072e3e1d4ea (MD5) Previous issue date: 2010-03-08 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / The practices that may characterize a potential greenerism and politicization of consumption arise from the perception of the impact of standards and levels of consumption in the global environment. From the 1990s, certain practices of consumption started being socially and environmentally responsible. This research had as general objective to reflect on greenering processes and the politicization of consumption and everyday life in the contemporary Brazilian society, emphasizing the multifaceted field of food. The shopping practices of organic food, especially from those individuals who are not organized collectively in social movements configure the object of the research. The main reason for its development was the gap in Brazilian social science in relation to studies on the consumers perspectives while social actors and the different uses they perform on their practices of consumption, especially the political use. The main questions included issues such as: Are the shopping practices of organic food perceived and experienced by consumers as a form of political action? In what ways do consumers deal with the discourses and responsibility charging for the environmental crisis? When seeking to answer them through an ethnography of the shopping practices of organic food in the city of Nova Friburgo/RJ and conducting in depth interviews with consumers, this research has identified an increased political autonomy of the individual against the public and private spheres, which occurs in the field of consumption. The shop of organic food is perceived and used as a repertoire of "romantic-individualistic" political action in the public sphere. These practices prove themselves capable of feeding bridges to citizenship, enabling the emergence of new collective engagement periods in a context of social reflexivity and global risk society. / As pr?ticas que podem caracterizar uma poss?vel ambientaliza??o e politiza??o do consumo surgem com a percep??o do impacto dos padr?es e n?veis de consumo no meio ambiente global. Com isso, a partir da d?cada de 1990, determinadas pr?ticas de consumo passaram a ser reconhecidas como sendo social e ambientalmente respons?veis. A pesquisa teve como objetivo geral refletir sobre os processos de ambientaliza??o e politiza??o do consumo e da vida cotidiana no ?mbito da sociedade brasileira contempor?nea, enfatizando o multifacetado campo da alimenta??o. Desta forma, as pr?ticas de compra de alimentos org?nicos, especialmente daqueles indiv?duos que n?o est?o organizados coletivamente em movimentos sociais configuraram o objeto de pesquisa. A principal justificativa para seu desenvolvimento era a lacuna existente nas ci?ncias sociais brasileiras no que se refere aos estudos sobre as perspectivas dos consumidores enquanto atores sociais e os diferentes usos que fazem de suas pr?ticas de consumo, em especial seu uso pol?tico. Os problemas centrais inclu?am quest?es como: as pr?ticas de compra de alimentos org?nicos s?o percebidas e experimentadas pelos consumidores como uma forma de a??o pol?tica? De que maneiras os consumidores lidam com os discursos e cobran?as de responsabilidades pela crise ambiental? Ao procurar respond?-las, atrav?s de uma etnografia das pr?ticas de compra de alimentos org?nicos na cidade de Nova Friburgo/RJ e da realiza??o de entrevistas em profundidade com consumidores, a pesquisa identificou um aumento da autonomia pol?tica individual no encontro das esferas p?blica e privada que se d? no campo do consumo. A compra de alimentos org?nicos ? percebida e utilizada como um repert?rio de a??o pol?tica rom?nticoindividualista na esfera p?blica. Estas pr?ticas se mostram capazes de alimentar pontes com a cidadania, abrindo possibilidades para a emerg?ncia de novos per?odos de engajamento coletivo em um contexto de reflexividade social e sociedade de risco global.