The politicization of military forces is not a development of the 21st century. Throughout history, armies have taken on roles traditionally relegated to non-military entities and accepted the notion that the actions of even the most junior members of their force may have substantial political implications. The development of the politicization of the U.S. military in Iraq since 2003 has been particularly ubiquitous. Although the politicization of military forces is not a recent development, little effort has been made to locate the manner in which the politicization has been reflected by the doctrines included in the U.S. Army Counterinsurgency Field Manual (FM 3-24). I hypothesize that the doctrines included in FM 3-24 not only codified many systemic strategic and tactical changes for the U.S. military, but also supported the politicization of the military in the 21st century. I conclude that while not at the level I initially suspected, the doctrines included in the FM 3-24 reflected the politicization of the U.S. military in Iraq following its release in early 2007. / Master of Arts

The Politicization of the humanitarian space in armed conflicts takes various forms such as instrumentalization, obstruction, or appropriation, and is correlated to uneven power dynamics between the actors involved. This politicization has adverse effects both in a global context, such as undermining International Humanitarian Law, and in local contexts, in eroding the principles and consequently the lack of access to provide relief to those intended. The ‘war on terror’ in Afghanistan, and the imbalances of postcolonial powers among actors involved show how politicization, especially US instrumentalization, affected the humanitarian space and created a situation of extreme violence against aid workers. On the other hand, the current situation of gendered obstruction under the Taliban regime makes it difficult to assess and deliver the necessary aid to Afghan women. Humanitarian organizations must therefore maintain coordination with each other, be transparent with the actors, and maintain dialogue with all levels of authority in order to alleviate the difficulties generated by politicization in establishing a humanitarian space.

Cette thèse constitue une étude comparée du processus de politisation au sein des groupes de Français ayant émigré aux États-Unis au cours de la première moitié du XIXe siècle, dans deux grands ports atlantiques américains, New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans.Dans une perspective d’histoire atlantique, elle aborde la question de la politisation sous l’angle du phénomène de nationalisation. Celle-ci se traduit dans le rapport des migrants à leur pays d’origine, dans le contexte des bouleversements politiques allant du Premier au Second Empire, et à leur pays d’accueil, marqué par la construction de la jeune république, la période jacksonienne, et le déclenchement de la guerre de Sécession. La thèse démontre que l’essor de structures de sociabilité urbaine parmi les Français est influencé par les circulations atlantiques de pratiques politiques et associatives, telles que la franc-maçonnerie. L’approche événementielle souligne la façon dont les grands événements locaux, nationaux ou internationaux sur les deux rives de l’Atlantique, suscitent diverses formes de participation politique, parfois conflictuelles, parmi les migrants. Trois moments marquent ce processus : une période de brassages issus des « révolutions atlantiques », dont les répercussions humaines et politiques touchent les Français de New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans dans les premières décennies du XIXe siècle ; un moment de coexistence des appartenances nationales allant de pair avec de nouvelles formes d’encadrement partisan et de pratiques politiques dans l’Amérique jacksonienne et sous la monarchie de Juillet ; et une dernière phase conflictuelle et révolutionnaire marquée par les répercussions atlantiques de 1848, les migrations de masse et les mouvements ouvriers de l’ère de l’industrialisation. La prégnance du cadre américain suscite alors des évolutions divergentes à New York et La Nouvelle-Orléans du fait de la division Nord-Sud sur l’esclavage, la guerre de Sécession rebattant les cartes des allégeances nationales et politiques des migrants français. / This dissertation is a comparative study of the politicization process among French migrants who settled in two major Atlantic port-cities, New York and New Orleans, during the first half of the 19th century.In an Atlantic perspective, the politicization process is analyzed as the development of national consciousness, which is visible in the relationship between migrants and their home country – from the First to the Second Napoleonic Empire – and their place of settlement, in the context of the Early republic, the Jacksonian and the Antebellum eras. Atlantic circulations influenced the rise of sociability structures among Frenchmen in these cities, such as masonic lodges. Migrants also experienced multiple forms of participation to major local, national or international events on both sides of the Atlantic, sometimes in a conflicting way.Three periods thus emerge. First, the mixing and gathering of French migrants in both cities were related to the Atlantic revolutions and their 19th-century political impact. Secondly, the expansion of political parties and practices, under the July Monarchy and Jacksonian democracy, led to the reinforcement of national consciousness, without excluding multiple affiliations. Finally, the Atlantic dimension of the 1848 revolutions generated new political tensions. Mass migrations and working-class movements shaped emerging conflicts in the industrial era. In that same period, momentous American issues provoked diverging evolutions between New York and New Orleans. French migrants in both cities were divided on the North-South debate on slavery, as their national and political allegiances were questioned by the Civil War.

La décennie 1990 constitue pour bon nombre de pays d’Afrique subsaharienne – francophones notamment – une transition de régimes autoritaires vers des régimes démocratiques. C’est le cas de la Guinée où un processus démocratique s’est ouvert dès la moitié des années 1980, avec la chute du régime dirigiste d’Ahmed Sékou Touré. A l’inverse des démocraties libérales occidentales dont elle s’inspire, la démocratie conventionnelle adoptée en Guinée existe dans l’architecture juridico-institutionnelle mais ne fonctionne pas, dans les faits, sur la base d’institutions politiques et sociales qui transcendent les clivages ethniques et communautaires. L’ethnicité en est la matrice fondamentale. Elle se manifeste par l’hybridation de produits institutionnels d’import-export à des réalités locales spécifiques. L’Administration publique, les partis politiques, les organisations socio-culturelles s’appuient explicitement ou implicitement sur l’ethnicité dans leur rapport au politique. Plusieurs facteurs sont à la base de ce double phénomène d’ethnicisation du fait politique et de politisation du fait ethnique en Guinée. On peut l’attribuer aussi bien à la fragilité de l’Etat qui peine à assurer ses missions régaliennes – sécurité, justice, bien-être, etc. – qu’à l’insuffisance de l’ancrage des valeurs, normes et principes de la démocratie libérale dans la société guinéenne. A cela, il faut ajouter le rôle structurant de l’ethnie comme groupe social de mobilisation politique dans les représentations collectives. / For a good number of countries in sub-Saharan Africa – the French-speaking ones especially – the 1990s represented a transition from authoritarian regimes to democratic ones. This is the case in Guinea where a democratic process began in the mid-1980s, with the fall of the very strict regime of Ahmed Sékou Touré. In contrast to the Western liberal democracies on which it is based, the conventional democracy adopted in Guinea exists in the juridico-institutional layout but does not, in reality, function on the basis of political and social institutions that transcend the ethnic and community groups tensions. Ethnicity is the fundamental matrix. It is manifested by the hybridization of import-export institutional products with specific local realities. Public administration, political parties, socio-cultural organizations rely explicitly or implicitly on ethnicity in their relationship to politics. Several factors are at the root of this double phenomenon of ethnicization of the political fact and politicization of the ethnic fact in Guinea. One may attribute both to the fragility of the State which is struggling to ensure its sovereign missions - security, justice, well-being, etc. - and to the inadequacy of the anchoring of the values, norms and principles of liberal democracy in Guinean society. To this must be added the structuring role of ethnicity as a social group of political mobilization in collective representations.

The viewership of public service media in post communist countries of the so-called Eastern Bloc is steadily declining. The need for their support brings about a question about the future of PSB model. The shape of public service remit differs across the selected countries of the Visegrád Group despite the former similarities. This study is trying to provide the reader with a solid comparison of the evolution of public service broadcasting from 4 points of view: regulation, politicization, viewer's attractiveness and sources of funding. The analysis should shed some light into the discussion of future role of PSBs in post-communist democracies. The first part of this thesis is focused on the history of former Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland with stress on the broadcasting media and their regulation until 1989. It is followed with the key part analyzing the establishment of dual system, transformation of state-owned media into public service broadcasters and the setting up of the first democratic broadcasting laws. Next chapter describes the current state of European broadcasting regulation and its impact on member states' broadcasters. The closing part evaluates the major differences in compared public service media and provides possible implications for further development of PSBs.

Desde o começo dos anos 1990 é possível observar uma expansão contundente da estrutura internacional de ajuda humanitária. Por um lado, esta expansão resultou no crescimento histórico dos recursos financeiros, tecnológicos e humanos voltados para o provimento da ajuda, levando também ao aumento do tamanho e do número de organizações dedicadas a esta causa e do escopo de ação destas agências, principalmente em situações de pós-conflito. Por outro, este contexto também trouxe preocupações quanto a uma politização da ajuda, principalmente no cenário das \"novas guerras\" e das \"emergências complexas\" do pós-Guerra Fria, o que teria comprometido a independência e a neutralidade da prática humanitária nestas crises. A primeira década do século XXI acentuou estas percepções, com os Estados Unidos instrumentalizando tanto as agências quanto a prática humanitária em favor de seus interesses estratégicos na \"Guerra contra o Terror\". Esta dissertação procura analisar a politização da prática humanitária no pós-Guerra Fria, recuperando o desenvolvimento histórico do humanitarismo moderno e retomando alguns conceitos e discussões desenvolvidos durante a Guerra Fria, em especial o \"sem fronteirismo\" e o \"direito de ingerência humanitária\". Nossa proposta é observar como a politização foi percebida no nível das organizações humanitárias não-governamentais, como elas se alinharam ou se opuseram a uma leitura política de uma prática tradicionalmente vista como neutra, independente e imparcial. A hipótese deste trabalho é que houve uma convergência conceitual e prática entre boa parte destas agências e seus principais doadores, os governos, que resultou numa maior interação entre estes atores em situações de crise. No entanto, esta interação tem sido bastante problemática para as agências humanitárias: em cenários mais \"quentes\", como Afeganistão e Iraque, ela resultou numa associação entre interventores e humanitários, o que comprometeu a posição dos agentes humanitários nestas crises. Além disso, esta aproximação entre humanitarismo e política tem levantado uma discussão profunda sobre a natureza, os instrumentos e os objetivos da prática humanitária - que se desenvolve junto a outras crises, forçando os agentes a confrontar dilemas e desafios cada vez mais complexos, e com resultados humanitários cada vez mais imprevisíveis. / Since the early 1990s we can observe a striking expansion of the structure of international humanitarian aid. On the one hand, this expansion resulted in a historical growth of financial, technological and human resources toward the provision of aid, increasing the size and the number of organizations dedicated to this cause and the scope of action of these agencies, especially in post-conflict situations. On the other, this situation also brought concerns about the politicization of aid, especially in the scenario of \"new wars\" and \"complex emergencies\" in the post-Cold War, which would have compromised the independence and neutrality of humanitarian practice in these crises. The first decade of this century intensified these perceptions, with the United States using the practice and the agencies in favor of its strategic interests in the \"War on Terror.\" This dissertation analyzes the politicization of humanitarian practice in post-Cold War, recovering the historical development of modern humanitarianism and resuming some concepts and arguments developed during the Cold War, especially \"the without borderism\" and \"the right of humanitarian intervention.\" Our proposal is to observe how the politicization was perceived at the level of non-governmental humanitarian organizations, as they lined up or opposed to a political reading of a practice traditionally seen as neutral, independent and impartial. Our working hypothesis is that there was a conceptual and practical convergence between most of these agencies and their major donors, the governments, resulting in a greater interaction between these actors in crisis situations. However, this interaction has been very problematic for humanitarian agencies: in \"hot\" scenarios as Afghanistan and Iraq, it resulted in an association between humanitarians and interventionists, which undermined the position of aid workers in these crises. Moreover, this approach between humanitarianism and politics has raised a deep discussion about the nature, the objectives and the instruments of humanitarian practice - that develops along with other crises, forcing players to confront dilemmas and challenges increasingly complex, and results relief more unpredictable.

The viewership of public service media in post-communist countries of the so-called Eastern Bloc is steadily declining. The need for their support brings about a question about the future of PSB model. The shape of public service remit differs across the selected countries of the Visegrád Group despite the former similarities of media landscapes. This study is trying to provide the reader with a solid comparison of the evolution of public service broadcasting from 4 points of view: regulation, politicization, viewer's attractiveness and sources of funding. The analysis should shed some light into the discussion of future role of PSB's in post-communist democracies. The first part of this thesis is focused on the history of former Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Poland with stress on the broadcasting media and their regulation until 1989. It is followed with the key part analyzing the establishment of dual system, transformation of state-owned media into public service broadcasters and the setting up of the first democratic broadcasting laws. Next chapter describes the current state of European broadcasting regulation and its impact on member states' broadcasters. The closing part evaluates the major differences in compared public service media and provides possible implications for further development...

Made available in DSpace on 2016-03-15T19:34:02Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Alex Antonio Mascaro.pdf: 1238327 bytes, checksum: 740e7f5b75f62902391ca191709f65b2 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007-03-06 / The loosening of the res judicata with the current tendencies of flexibilization creates problems whose approach reaches not only the procedural area, but also the philosophy of law, the sociology of law, the constitutional law and, therefore, the exercise of citizenship, in what concerns the constitutional guarantees of juridical security. The question involves delicate aspects, mainly under the argument of the justice of the decisions, because the mistakes that may come to be committed by the Judiciary and covered under the mantle of the res judicata have no possibility of correction. However, the question of flexibilization of the res judicata can not be seen only through the philosophical shock of justice versus juridical security. It is necessary to analyze the res judicata through the sociological eye and the way in which its mitigation affects the formal guarantees of citizenship and politicizes the Judiciary in a harmful manner. / O afrouxamento da coisa julgada com as atuais tendências de flexibilização cria problemas, cuja abordagem atinge não só a área processual, mas também a filosofia do direito, a sociologia do direito, o direito constitucional e, por conseguinte, o exercício da cidadania, no que tange às garantias constitucionais de segurança jurídica. A questão envolve aspectos delicados, principalmente sob o argumento da justiça das decisões, pois os erros que porventura são cometidos pelo Judiciário e cobertos sobre o manto da coisa julgada estão impossibilitados de correção. Porém, a questão da flexibilização da coisa julgada não pode ser vista somente através do embate filosófico da justiça versus segurança jurídica. É necessário que se analise a coisa julgada pelo olhar sociológico e a forma que sua mitigação atinge as garantias formais de cidadania e politiza o Judiciário de maneira nociva.

Dieser Beitrag präsentiert die Befunde der Elitestudie Politisch-Administrative Elite 2013 (PAE 2013) über Zusammensetzung und Politisierung der bundesdeutschen Verwaltungseliten. Diese vierte nationale Replikation der Comparative Elite Studies zum Ende der 17. Legislaturperiode bringt überraschende Entwicklungen ans Licht: Hinsichtlich der Zusammensetzung des Personals schreitet zwar die Feminisierung auch auf den Leitungsebenen fort und eine Berufsvererbung kann nicht mehr festgestellt werden, allerdings erlebt die Juristendominanz mit erstmals seit Jahrzehnten steigenden Werten ein Wiedererstarken. Der Grad an formaler Politisierung überrascht: Trotz des Verbleibs der CDU/CSU an der Macht findet ein umfassender Personalaustausch statt. Diese teils im Widerspruch zu etablierten Trends und Theorien stehenden Entwicklungen zeigen, dass das Feld der administrativen Elitenforschung auch zukünftig besondere Aufmerksamkeit verdient.

Cette thèse analyse les processus de politisation et dépolitisation de films documentaires attachés à l'urbain stigmatisé et prend pour objet 42 films tournés dans les quartiers du Centre-ville Basilique à Saint-Denis et de la Joliette à Marseille entre 2000 et 2010. L'enquête s'appuie sur une série d'entretiens semi-directifs auprès des réalisateurs et d'analyses filmiques, ainsi que sur un ensemble de sources afférentes à l'activité promotionnelle ou théorique des réalisateurs. Au croisement des sociologies de l'art, du cinéma, du journalisme et des professionnels engagés, cette thèse vise à dresser les contours d'un espace documentaire en voie d'autonomisation. Elle propose une analyse des trajectoires sociales et professionnelles des documentaristes, des clivages qui le constituent et des collaborations nécessaires à la fabrique et la diffusion des documentaires. Elle est l'occasion de revenir sur nombre de représentations couramment accolées à cette pratique allant du rapport à la politique entendu au sens large, à la place accordée au réalisateur dans le processus de création et à la division entre cinéma et journalisme. En plaçant au centre les logiques de professionnalisation et les relations avec des acteurs, intervenants filmés et publics, étrangers à l'espace documentaire, ce travail reconsidère les conditions d'un engagement politique par et au travers des films. / This thesis analyzes the process of politicization and de-politicization of documentary films that focus on stigmatized urban areas. It is based on 42 films made between 2000 and 2010 in the neighborhoods of Centre-ville Basilique in Saint-Denis and La Joliette in Marseille. This research draws from open-focused interviews with directors and content analysis of the studied films, as well as of other promotional or theoretical productions by the same directors. This thesis aims at understanding the structure and logics of a “documentary world” which is gaining structural autonomy towards other social fields. At the intersection of the sociologies of art, cinema, journalism and politically involved professionals, this study analyses the ambiguous positioning of the filmmakers when it comes to taking a political stand in the light of their social and professional backgrounds, of the professional collaborations that develop around the making and distribution of the films, and of the structural divisions organizing the documentary world. This approach allows us to question several dimensions of documentary film making that are often taken for granted: from the creative power of the director and his/her place in the creative process, to the opposition between cinema and journalism, and the relationship between documentary and politics generally speaking. By placing professionalization mechanisms and the relationships that directors develop with filmed participants and the public at the center of the study, this work sheds new light on the process of political commitment by and through cinematographic productions.