A partir d’une enquête ethnographique menée entre 2009 et 2015 dans les villes de Kars, Iǧdɪr et Istanbul, cette thèse étudie les conditions et les dynamiques de constitution et de mobilisation de la communauté chiite duodécimaine de Turquie, dite caféri, en contexte urbain. Plus particulièrement, nous étudions l’histoire sociale et politique de la communauté et nous analysons dans quelle mesure et comment cette communauté se transforme en mouvement sous l’appellation de Zeynebiye Hareketi. Les Caféris qui s’installent dans les quartiers populaires stambouliotes expérimentent la condition minoritaire de leur confession religieuse en contexte urbain, et se mettent à créer des associations pour la construction des mosquées chiites dans ces quartiers majoritairement sunnites. La réintroduction des commémorations d’Aşura dans l’espace public stambouliote par ces associations révèle les effets politisant de cette pratique rituelle religieuse pour un groupe chiite minoritaire. La migration, les nouveaux contextes d’interaction et l’expérience associative ont un effet décisif sur les trajectoires individuelles et sur le type d’identification et de différenciation ethnique, confessionnel et politique des Caféris. L’étude de l’évolution de la politisation des Caféris démontre les stratégies d’adaptation d’un groupe minoritaire confessionnel aux différents moments des politiques répressives de l’État et nous dévoile le fonctionnement d’un régime politique de type sécuritaire (jusqu’en 2015) vulnérabilisant les divers groupes minoritaires qui peuvent développer des réflexes ambigus de rapprochement et de méfiance envers l’État / As a product of an ethnographic field study that we conducted on Twelver Shias (Caferis) in Kars, in Igdir and in Istanbul between 2009 and 2015, our thesis analyses the construction of the new urban Caferi community and the different moments of its politicization process since 1978

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

Relevant de l’intérêt renouvelé de l’histoire sociale pour la période des « années 1968 », ce travail cherche à comprendre à la fois les conditions de possibilité de la création d’une institution telle que le « Centre universitaire expérimental de Vincennes » et comment celle-ci a été initialement façonnée par les investissements pratiques et les projections de ses concepteurs, fondateurs et premiers acteurs. A la croisée de la sociologie des politiques publiques éducatives et de l´histoire sociale des champs intellectuels, la socio-histoire de cette expérience universitaire participe de la connaissance des effets de la crise symbolique sans précédent de Mai 68, et offre une voie d´entrée à l´histoire des idées qui prend en compte simultanément les acteurs mobilisés et mobilisables que sont les étudiants et les enseignants, et leurs négociations avec le pouvoir politique. A l’échelle macro-sociologique, cette recherche s’attache à éclairer les logiques qui président au développement morphologique et symbolique de l´Université depuis les années 50 et participe de la connaissance du fonctionnement de l’Etat et du pouvoir politique en conjoncture de crise. A l’échelle micro-sociologique, elle se veut attentive aux logiques d’action des acteurs sociaux et aspire à comprendre comment et pourquoi, suivant quels représentations, dispositions et intérêts, les acteurs (individuels et collectifs) investissent leurs rôles et « métiers » (de hauts fonctionnaires, responsables politiques, « intellectuels », enseignants-chercheurs, étudiant), sans sous-estimer les contraintes qui pèsent sur eux. Ce travail s’appuie sur des matériaux complémentaires (archives, entretiens, biographies, statistiques) qui permettent de mettre en perspective « données quantitatives » et « données qualitatives », et de renseigner les deux échelles d’analyse. / Building on social history renewed interest for the “long 1968” period, this work seeks to understand both the conditions of possibility of an institution such as the “Experimental University of Vincennes” (Centre universitaire expérimental de Vincennes) and the way it was initially shaped by the practical concerns and projections of its planners, creators and first actors. Between a sociology of education policies and a social history of intellectual fields, the history of this university experiment adds to our knowledge of the symbolic crisis of May 1968, and paves the way for a history of ideas which simultaneously takes into account the mobilized and mobilizable actors that are students and professors, and their negotiation with the political power.On a macrosociological scale, this research aims to shed light on the logics that led to the morphological and symbolic development of the University since the 1950s and adds to our knowledge of the functionning of the state and policial power in a context of crisis. On a microsociological scale, it focuses on the logics of action of social actors and seeks to understand how and why, according to which representations, dispositions and interests, actors (both individual and collective) assume their roles and “professions” (of high-civil servants, political leaders, “intellectuals”, professors, students), without underestimating the constraints that are imposed on them. This work is based on complementary materials (archives, interviews, biographies, and statistics) which put in perspective “quantitative data” and “qualitative data”, combining two scales of analysis.

La citoyenneté opère un retour en force dans le domaine environnemental, visible tant dans les dispositifs de participation destinés à inclure l’ensemble des citoyens dans les prises de décision, que dans des mouvement de contestation voire des résistances à des projets d’aménagement ou certains usages de l’espace. Ces deux types d’expériences participatives constituent pour ceux qui y prennent part - citoyens, acteurs associatifs, élus, professionnels des politiques publiques - de véritables lieux d’apprentissages politiques. Par l’exploration d’une procédure institutionnalisée de participation (une conférence de citoyens sur la gestion de l’eau) et d’une mobilisation contestataire (contre le gaz de schiste), ce travail identifie d’une part ce que les acteurs apprennent, et d’autre part les modalités par lesquelles ils apprennent. L’enquête ethnographique et le recours aux sciences de l’éducation font l’originalité de cette recherche qui propose de décrire et d’analyser finement des expériences d’apprentissages politiques, d’éducation au conflit comme à la participation. / Citizenship has been making a strong resurgence in the environmental field, visible both in institutionalised procedures intended to include all citizens in decision-making, and in protest movements or resistance to some planning projects or land uses. For those who take part - citizens, members of associations, policy makers and public policy professionals -, these two kinds of participatory experiences represent significant spaces for political learning. Through the exploration of an institutionalised procedure for public participation (a citizens’ conference on water management) and a protest movement (against shale gas), this work identifies what actors learn on the one hand, and the learning methods on the other. The ethnographic survey and the use of educational sciences constitute the originality of this research which describes and analyses experiments in political learning, education to conflict as well as participation.

Substantive due process is one of the most cherished and elusive doctrines in American constitutional jurisprudence. The understanding that the Constitution of the United States protects not only specifically enumerated rights, but also broad concepts such as “liberty,” “property,” and “privacy,” forms the foundation for some of the Supreme Court’s most impactful—and controversial—decisions. This thesis explores the constitutional merits and politicizing history of natural rights jurisprudence from its application in Dred Scott v. Sandford to its recent evocation in Obergefell v. Hodges. Indeed, from slavery to same-same sex marriage, substantive due process has played a pivotal role in shaping our nation’s laws and destiny: But was it ever intended to? This paper first examines the legal arguments in favor of substantive due process to determine whether the judiciary was designed to be the “bulwark” of natural as well as clearly scribed law. Then, employing a novel framework to measuring judicial politicization, the thesis tracks the doctrine’s application throughout its most prominent case studies. Often arriving at nuanced conclusions, we observe that the truth is more often painted in some gradation of grey than in black or white.

Le Costa Rica s’est construit comme une société homogène sans valorisation ni représentation des classes populaires. Dans les discours savants et dans le champ politique, la faible représentation des couches inférieures des classes populaires est généralement expliquée par leur atomisation. Incapables de se retrouver autour d’intérêts communs, ces groupes ne pourraient exister collectivement dans l’espace politique institué. À revers de ces analyses, cette thèse interroge l’émergence de porte-parole et leur accès à la politique instituée à travers l’étude de carrières de dirigeants de deux quartiers populaires à San José. En l’absence d’une structuration clientélaire ou corporative, ces dirigeants sont en général considérés comme des acteurs isolés ayant tout pouvoir sur une clientèle de voisins apathiques. Or, leur leadership repose sur des liens personnalisés et localisés et sur des logiques d’unification. Pour résoudre les problèmes locaux, les dirigeants s’attachent à mettre en forme des attentes autour desquelles leur voisinage peut se retrouver. Mais, leur action se déroulant hors de structures d’encadrement préétablies, leur position est précaire. Face aux échecs des projets qu’ils portent et à la position inconfortable que cela leur vaut localement, certains dirigeants tentent de poursuivre leur engagement en entrant en politique. Or, cela est rendue difficile par une gestion partisane des carrières militantes peu favorable à ces groupes sociaux. Ainsi, à travers une analyse par le bas des modes d’action de ces dirigeants, cette thèse contribue à l’analyse des formes d’engagement et de politisation populaires se déroulant à la marge de la politique instituée / In academic discourse as much as in the political field, the poor representation of the lower classes of Costa Rican society is generally attributed to the fact that they are dispersed. Unable to gather into communities of interest, these groups could not exist collectively in the political field. Taking an opposite position to these analyses, this thesis investigates the emergence of spokespersons and their access to the political field by studying the neighbourhood’s leaders’ careers. These leaders are generally considered to have all power over a clientele of apathetic neighbours. However, if their leadership relies on the strength of personalised and localised ties, made and kept by a range of exchanges of goods and services, this investigation sheds light on processes of unification. In order to resolve local problems, the leaders focus on rationalising, even perhaps inciting needs that their neighbours can rally behind. Faced with regular failure and the subsequent uncomfortable position this leaves them him, some leaders can attempt to pursue a career in the political establishment. However, their entry in politics is particularly difficult due to the political parties who manage political careers and are not in favour of urban working class groups. Through a bottom-up approach, this thesis contributes to the analysis of the forms of political engagement and the politicization of the lower classes, which can happen on the margins of the political field

Ethno-politicization has been identified as a covert yet pervasive contributing factor in the various outbreaks of violence throughout Sierra Leone’s post-independence history. With the latest round of violent conflict having ended in 2002, the government of Sierra Leone in collaboration with local and international partners is presently engaged in peace-building. That being said, institutionalized peace-building has a considerable but imperfect track record of success. Furthermore, the intricate way in which ethno-politicization is woven into the social-political fabric of Sierra Leone is such that, if not effectively treated, it poses a continuing threat to the stability of the nation. Accordingly this thesis examined the extent to which ethno-depoliticization strategies have been directly incorporated into the peace-building framework. This task was accomplished through the development of a five-point definition of ethno-politicization that is based on the institutional instrumentalist theory. The definition provided an analytical framework used in the interpretation of results from a policy audit and field interviews with representatives of the peace-building architects. The research revealed that within the peace-building framework, ethno-politicization is not directly acknowledged as a real and ongoing threat to peace and stability and hence, a prioritized component of the peace-building architecture. However, some of the policy initiatives contained within the peace-building framework will indirectly result in ethno-depoliticization outcomes. These policy initiatives nevertheless require more rigorous and focused implementation and monitoring to be effective. Accordingly, the study recommends (i) the implementation of the recommendations of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission (ii) a constitutional amendment stipulating ethnic quotas for political party leadership and parliamentary candidates; (iii) the strengthening of civil society;(iv) an intensive nation-wide campaign promoting a national identity and; (v) the strengthening of democratic institutions, which also includes making ethnically-inclusive and ethnically impartial practices within public institutions as part of the performance evaluation of senior public servants.

This diploma thesis explores the topic of politico-administrative relationships and professional literature. The first part of thesis is based on the theory of politico-administrative relationships using the models created by Aberbach, Rockman, and Putnam (1981) and focuses on the development of the relationships in time. The following part introduces the phenomenon of politicization and several important typologies that specify it and show the multilayer nature of this term - it uses the knowledge of the following authors: Peters (2013), Eichbaum and Shaw (2008) and Hustedt and Salomonsen (2014). In the next part, the thesis focuses on the Czech context of this issues, briefly summarizes Civil Service Act. And introduces its own qualitative research conducted on the sample of ministerial officials. The research reveals 4 essential issues which characterise the politico-administrative relationship and politicization in the Czech Republic. These issues are third parties in in politico-administrative relationship, the position of state secretary, issue of influenzability of personal structure of ministry and positive politicization. Beside these characteristics and outline of possible ways of follow-up of research, diploma thesis emphasize importance of neutral approach to research issues, because...

The thesis deals with the concept of politicization of the European Commission. It stems from the assumption that the new election procedure of the President of the Commission which is connected to the nomination of so-called Spitzenkandidaten, i.e. the lead candidates of the political parties before the elections to the European Parliament, led to the strengthening of the Parliament and subsequent politicization of the Commission. The new President of the Commission thus comes from the strongest political party which ran the elections with his candidature. The thesis formulates four hypotheses while focusing on three main areas which might be influenced by politicization: public opinion awareness, strengthening of the political affiliation of the commissioners as well as of the whole College of commissioners, and change of its inner composition - the political experience should become more prominent when choosing the suitable candidates for the commissioners. The analysis shows that it is possible to trace a positive trend in public opinion awareness from the side of the European Commission. Furthermore, it indicates the political assignment of individual portfolios among commissioners. On the other hand, the strengthening of the political affiliation of the Commissions and the change of the inner...

The purpose of this quantitative case study was to address the problem of domestic terrorism facing the United States. This concern led to a comprehensive examination of historical documents that focused on the temporal evolution of the problem beginning with the Carter administration and continuing through the Obama administration. The conceptual foundation centered on resolving the research question and validating three hypotheses directed at qualifying the escalation of domestic incidents of terrorism. This led to developing a behavioral model to assist law enforcement agencies in combating the issue of domestic terrorism. Bivariate and clustering statistical analysis validated the data while qualifying the demographics of the various typologies of U.S. domestic terrorists. The use of case study analysis, which drew on historical documents for evidence, considered the evolution of various groups, motivations, their ideologies, and goals. These variables were compared to successes and failures of relevant federal policies. The lack of understanding and oversight that led to an escalation of the number of incidents was also evaluated. Using ethical and scientific guidelines and protocols, the study’s findings promote the need for future research and highlight the dangers of repeating the past. By developing a behavioral model, this study gives law enforcement a valuable tool for resolving domestic terrorism. Additional considerations relate to future policy implications and the course of future research.