The purpose of this thesis is to investigate unofficial ways that spread the ideas of right-wing- populism with focus on family, especially on mother as a primar mediator. In a background of a right-wing traditional family will be researched the psychological strategies, that populists use to involve the family through the children. One of those strategies are ideologically based summer camps, that raise the political and social thinking, that the children brought from their families. The impact of those strategies will be theoretically and practically analysed. Keywords right-wing populism, family influence, prejudices, education of children, role of a woman, closed societies

In this dissertation, I investigate the role of oil resources and economic and political institutional quality on the economic performance of Iran. To this end, I examine four related themes. First and foremost, I provide a detailed picture of the economic structure of Iran and compare its performance with other oil and non-oil economies of the Middle East and the Middle Easterb region. As we get a clear picture of the relative economic position of Iran in the MENA region, I go further into macroeconomic analyses of oil wealth effects on the Iranian economy. The second theme investigated in this dissertation is the interaction of political power structure with oil rents and their effects on Iranian economic growth. This study is the first examination which takes into consideration political factionalism interaction with oil rents in the case of Iran. The results show that oil resources have a direct positive effect on economic growth in Iran. However, the interaction effect of factionalism (as a proxy for political asymmetry degree) with oil rents is negative and significant. The third theme which is examined in this study is illegal trade in Iran. This topic is also related to natural resource management in Iran. A large number of fuel products smuggled from Iran are due to heavy subsidies within the country. In this study, I measure the amount of illegal trade in Iran, identifying the major causes and indicators of smuggling. The average of illegal trade in Iran’s total trade is 13%. The value of annual illegal trade, on average, is within the range of $ 2.5 - 3 billion. The fourth topic which is examined in this dissertation is macroeconomic populism in Iran. The main source of financing populism spending in Iran is the oil revenues. Therefore, it is connected to the management of natural resources.

Topic of the thesis is the image of Czech far-right parties in Czech media prior to Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017. Aim of the thesis is to investigate how media displays far-right parties prior to the Elections in 2017, what the topics of media coverage are in regards of far- right and how the topics changed in the Elections in 2017 comparing with Elections in 2013. Using quantitative content analysis and theory of agenda-setting the thesis monitors texts with far-right topics in national daily newspapers Mladá fronta DNES, Lidové noviny, Právo and Hospodářské noviny in the periods prior to the Elections to Chamber of Deputies in 2017 and 2013. Author also uses qualitative analysis of opinion texts based on theory of framing. The parties followed in thesis are chosen based on definition of far-right by Cas Mudde and definition of right wing populism by Hans-Georg Betz. In the period prior to the Elections in 2017 the followed parties are: Dělnická strana sociální spravedlnosti; ROZUMNÍ - stop migraci a diktátu EU - peníze našim občanům, důchodcům, dětem, zdravotně postiženým; Svoboda a přímá demokracie - Tomio Okamura; Blok proti islamizaci - Obrana domova; Sdružení pro republiku - Republikánská strana Československa Miroslava Sládka and Řád národa - Vlastenecká unie. In the period prior...

An experimental survey (N = 415) is used to evaluate fascist qualifications within party preference groups, regarding susceptibility to a neofascist communication style and gravitation toward fascist ideas. Testing the notion by fascism expert Roger Griffin, that the influence of the neofascist intellectual movement the New Right (la Nouvelle Droite) is successfully shaping the 21st century wave of right-wing populism, it is hypothesized that sympathizers of the Swedish right-wing populism equivalent (the Sweden Democrats) are more susceptible to a neofascist communication style and more preconditioned to agree with covertly fascist ideas (as based on the writings of the Nouvelle Droite). The results strongly support this hypothesis, although the potential for generalizability beyond the collected sample is limited. Using a causal networks approach, the failure to falsify the hypothesis is however considered a small but valid observation that bolsters its probability. The study contributes to the current research by further strengthening the bridge between the fields of populism and fascism.

This thesis argues that a socially conservative tendency informed much of George Orwell's commentary between 1934 and 1943, and that the same tendency reflected a general European trend. The main sources of this thesis are a large selection of George Orwell's works and a smaller selection of works by Frantz Fanon, Jose Ortega y Gasset, and Antonio Gramsci. This thesis relies upon Orwell's involvement in the Spanish Civil War between 1936 and 1937 and his embrace of nationalism in 1940 as major organizational points of reference. This thesis concludes that Orwell's commentary was an example of a general European conservative reaction against Marxist-Leninist thought.

The aim of this essay was to study the extent to which president Nayib Bukele applies the ideologies of the party Nuevas Ideas in accordance with the wishes of the Salvadoran people. Nueva Ideas party ideology consists of democratic, decentralized, plural, and inclusive political definitions. Using populism as a theoretical framework, the essay provided various explanations that describe the extent to which Nayib Bukele starts from populism to understand the connection between the president and defined concepts in populism: identity politics, anti-pluralism, and anti-elitism. The essay has created a greater understanding of the president's political procedure. The research problem has been studied with the help of the theory that fulfills an important function as it is at the center of the study's question. The chosen method for this research is a qualitative case study. The results show that the president is portrayed as the populist leader in El Salvador, but Bukele's political procedure can not be defined as populist because the president does not act fully in accordance with the ideas he advocated.

Thesis title: Contemporary populism in Europe This thesis maps the development of populism across Europe and investigates its manifestations and core elements in its complexity, which is the groundwork for analysis of populist party, movement or individual. Populism is not considered solely as the relieving strategy meant to maximize the voter's votes by comprehensible, straightforward and hardly feasible promises. Without this attitude in mind, we would hardly be able to put some reason behind the populist boom, which we had chance to witness during the last decade. Therefore this thesis considers populism as the ideological construct, the way politicians present themselves, the rhetorics, the mastered political style or the structure, which provides the foundations of programme documents of political movements and parties. It would be a mistake to a priori consider it as some kind of purely negative phenomenon, but more of as the reflection of various and continuously changing demands of European electorates. Desperation, which mainstream parties evoke in their voters, is toxic and continues to spread across all society classes. This creates a space for various populists to dominate. Thus while tracking their activities, specific kind of critical thinking is necessary, because populists...

During the parliamentary elections in Sweden between 2006 and 2018 has the Sweden Democrats success increased enormously. The party went from 2,93% in 2006 to 17,53% in 2018, which is a rapid increase. The aim of this essay is to examine Sweden Democrats and the party’s successes by analyzing existing research within the same topic and if the research explanations for the increased election results have changed over time. A qualitative text analysis will be used in order to explain the Sweden Democrats’ increased election results. The text analysis is a systematized analysis. The essay's analysis is divided in three different time intervals, the first interval is between the years 2010-2013, the second interval is between the years 2014-2017 and the last interval is between the years 2018-2021. In each of these three intervals there will be five different researches that’s going to be analyzed. The analysis of the essay concludes for instance that the Sweden Democrats increased success depends on sociocultural problems, media exposure and the voter’s dissatisfaction with the established parties.

The master thesis "True Finns. Establishment of right-wing populism in Finland?" deals with political party True Finns (The Finns, PS), its historical development and current position in Finnish party system. The master thesis is devided into three chapters. The first chapter deals with populist radical right political parties (PRR), which have established themselves in a lot of Western Europe party systém (inluding Scandinavia). Finland represented a state which had been immune of PRR. The aim of the first chapter is to answer an question, which are the main reasons of PRR emergence, respectively which were the reasons which delayed the Finnish PRR. The second chapter is concerned with political party True Finns (The Finns, PS), its historical development and ideological profile. The chapter reffers to ideological and personal roots in Finnish Rural Party. A part of the chapter is ideological core used by Cas Mudde (nativism, authoritarianism, populism) which is supplemented by an economical programme. The final part deals with the parliamentary election 2012. The final chapter concerns with current PS position in Finnish party systém and with impact on finnish politics. The chapter is closed with positive and negative factors for the future development.

Since the 1990s the support for the populist radical right parties has steadily increased. This essay investigates if there is a common policy preference among this party-family that makes them successful, irrespective of each party’s national belonging. This is achieved by utilising a time-series cross-sectional data from the Comparative Manifesto Project. These data range between 1990-2018 and includes 13 different West-European countries. Five different hypotheses containing different policy preferences are tested through multiple regression analysis. The essay concludes that the previously commonly accepted winning formula containing a positive view on welfare, emphasis on authoritarian values and nativism does not hold up. Furthermore, the essay concludes that national context has a decisive role of which policy preference is successful. The common successful policy preference among the populist radical right is their promotion of authoritarian values together with an emphasis on eliminating political corruption and clientelist behaviour (populism). This is explained by societal value changes with major clashing groups in the society, making the authoritarian values a successful policy preference irrespective of national context.