Made available in DSpace on 2016-04-27T18:15:47Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Jose Carlos Rocha.pdf: 10945860 bytes, checksum: 68d43542d3aec09436938bf12c2d8c03 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2008-01-23 / Populism consisted in a phenomenon politician consolidated in the country from the Age Vargas. In 1945 with the democratization, one would become hegemonic in the relations brazilian politics. Multiclass representative Populism, with its utopian attempt of representation of all the social classrooms, answering to its demands was considered the adapted concept more to the space and secular circumstances of Bauru. The populist hegemony in Bauru was extended enters 1948 and 1968. In this period, the janismo and the ademarismo had disputed the political power municipal, reflecting in the production of specific urban landscapes. During transcorrer of twenty years of populist domain, the ademarismo prevailed between 1948 and 1955, the janismo between 1956 and 1959 and one third composed phase of janistas and ademaristas elements, had lead a transistion between proper Populism and the power technocrat. Tecnocracia installed from 1968, with the election of a group politician associated with the interests of the military government. Ademarista Populism in Bauru made possible a harmonious urban evolution, constructing an entailed landscape to the educational sphere. The janismo, its opposite, not yet considered and produced a surprising intervention in the evolution of the fabric urban of Bauru, constructing quarters without infrastructure, defining solved problems in the current days. The junction of the ademarismo and the janismo in the final administrations of the populist period determined the concretion of urban interventions already associates to the posterior period: the tecnocracia / O populismo constituiu-se em um fenômeno político consolidado no país a partir da Era Vargas. Em 1945 com a democratização, tornar-se-ia hegemônico nas relações políticas brasileiras. O populismo multiclassista, com sua utópica tentativa de representação de todas as classes sociais, respondendo às suas demandas, foi considerado como instrumento de análise mais adaptado às características da realidade bauruense. A hegemonia populista em Bauru estendeu-se entre 1948 e 1968. Neste período, o janismo e o ademarismo disputaram o poder político municipal, refletindo na produção de paisagens urbanas específicas. Durante o transcorrer de vinte anos de domínio populista, o ademarismo prevaleceu entre 1948 e 1955, o janismo entre 1956 e 1959 e uma terceira fase composta de elementos janistas e ademaristas, conduziram uma transição entre o próprio populismo e o poder tecnocrata. Tecnocracia instalada a partir de 1968, com a eleição de um grupo político associado aos interesses do governo militar. O populismo ademarista em Bauru possibilitou uma evolução urbana harmoniosa, construindo uma paisagem vinculada à esfera educacional. O janismo, antagonicamente, propôs e produziu uma intervenção surpreendente na evolução do tecido urbano de Bauru, construindo bairros sem infra-estrutura, definindo problemas ainda não solucionados nos dias atuais. A junção do ademarismo e do janismo nas administrações finais do período populista, determinou a concretização de intervenções urbanas já associadas ao período posterior: a tecnocracia

Denna forskning är en systematiserande, mest lika design och idécentrala undersökning, som siktarpå att studera hur multikulturalismen representeras inom Jimmie Åkesson diskurs över tid. Analysen görs på fyra av Åkessons almedalenstal 2011, 2016, 2017 och 2018 av anledningen att ett allmänval ska finnas mellan vissa av valda tal. Den grundläggande teorin som undersökningen utgår ifrån är multikulturalism samt postkolonialism och symbolisk rasism. Syftet med forskningen är att genom en kvalitativ textanalys av valda tal, lifta fram idéstrukturen i hur Åkesson presenterar multikulturalismen till sina åhörare, för att besvara frågeställningen kommer forskningen attavkoda för läsaren innehållet som bedöms har postkolonial och symbolisk rasistisk latent budskap.Materialet som används under forskningen är officiella manus för Åkesson almedalenstal från fyra olika år. Slutsatsen som forskningen har uppnått är att, i respektive Åkessons tal finns stark koppling mellan hur Åkesson ser på multikulturalismen, och mönster som förknippas med postkolonialism och symbolisk rasism. / <p>G betyg</p>

This dissertation examines the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration, and uses Bolivia and Brazil as a test case. Essentially, does resource nationalism affect energy integration? The findings nest within more expansive questions on international political economy and export-driven models of development. Why do populist regimes, historically operating under an economic nationalist cum protectionist paradigm, simultaneously pursue policies of economic integration? What is the relationship between resource nationalists and open markets, especially in the hydrocarbons sector? What is the relationship between populists, who are typically resource nationalists, and their decision to choose policies of energy integration? The most common responses to the above are that resource nationalists pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that once in power, resource nationalists do not always pursue protectionist policies in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead rely on market forces. Another common response is that populists pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector. This dissertation demonstrates that populists do not always pursue policies of resource nationalism in the hydrocarbon sector, but instead choose policies of integration. Policies of integration are compelled by market forces, and at times ironically provide the foundation for resource nationalism to later flourish. This dissertation develops a case-study of Bolivia and Brazil to assess the relationship between resource nationalism and energy integration. The case is selected based on each country having energy resources or derivative products for exploitation and use, an energy trade relationship between the countries, the presence of government-run natural resource firms in each country, and a specific period where resource nationalism is present. Bolivia and Brazil are important for this study because of their proximity, particularly where the supply of natural gas is concerned. Proximity is of great importance as natural gas infrastructure is concomitant with energy integration, particularly supply.

巴古寧是十九世紀最著名與最活躍的革命家之一。他橫跨歐洲的革命活動、領導俄國的革命民粹運動，以及在第一國際中與馬克思的爭論，使他成為歷史中的一股動力。另外，他的無政府主義思想更使他加入近代政治思想家的行列中。然而，巴古寧的個性、活動與思想的多樣與複雜，卻讓他擁有許多不同的面貌刻畫，有讚美也有毀謗；他的思想也獲得不同的闡釋，是真理也是矛盾。因此，以「革命」作為理解巴古寧生平與思想的關鍵字，本論文試圖探求巴古寧的革命信念源於何處？他的革命思想與實踐如何交互影響與演進？又要如何看待這位毀譽摻雜的歷史人物？ 　　本論文的研究架構主要將巴古寧的革命信念與實踐分成三個階段來討論：第一為思想的年代，期間巴古寧主要沈浸於哲學思想的領域，研讀與吸收德國唯心主義哲學、黑格爾主義以及各種社會主義的學說，沒有實踐革命的機會與行動。第二為泛斯拉夫主義的革命年代，巴古寧主張哈布斯堡帝國(Hapsburg Empire)的瓦解為歐洲革命的關鍵點，並以斯拉夫民族組織成的自由聯邦取代奧匈帝國，形成他革命泛斯拉夫主義的主張。不過，此一思想也曾一度倒退為保守性，轉為期望俄國沙皇變成為革命獨裁者，發起一個由上而下的革命，以便解放所有的斯拉夫人民。此一期間，巴古寧得到多次實踐革命的機會：一八四八年革命期間的布拉格暴動與德萊斯登叛亂，以及一八六三年波蘭叛亂。 　　第三階段是巴古寧無政府主義思想時期，分成「俄國」及「歐洲」兩部分。在俄國部分，巴古寧在瑞士創辦的雜誌《人民的事業》，讓他再度投入俄國革命的宣傳活動，成為俄國革命民粹運動的主要領導人之一。與俄國革命份子涅恰耶夫的合作中，巴古寧發展了個人的革命理論，並對「革命策略」與「革命道德」的問題做一省思。最後，巴古寧對俄國的革命指導形成俄國「到民間去」運動的一個革命派別。歐洲部分，主要探討巴古寧在歐洲的革命活動，包括在義大利以及第一國際中的活動。巴古寧的無政府主義思想，主要鼓吹破壞一切現有秩序，包括政治、社會與宗教制度，廢除國家、教會與私有財產等制度，並建立一個由各種自發性組織所形成的自由聯邦。他的革命方法乃是建立一嚴格紀律的革命密謀組織，組織社會低下階層的暴動成為全面起義，作為達成革命目標的方法。這樣的理念皆表達在參與法國里昂起義、義大利波隆那起義中。 　　研究發現巴古寧的革命信念主要來自三方面：一為黑格爾哲學作為革命的哲學基礎；二為對法國大革命原則「自由、平等、博愛」的追求；最後加上巴古寧的個性。他的革命實踐方法主要依靠宣傳與密謀兩種方式。而在原始社會運動的形式上，預示出革命如何形成與到來，巴古寧實為現代革命的真正先知。 / Michael Bakunin(1814-1876) was one of the most famous and active revolutionaries in the 19th century. His dazzling revolutionary activities across Europe and his famous controversy with Karl Marx(1818-1883) made him an influential historical actor. Besides, his anarchism also ranked him as one of the political thinkers in modern times. However, the complexity of his personality, activities and thoughts were portrayed from the diabolical to the glandular to the heroic; his thoughts were interpreted differently as truths or paradoxes. The purposes of this thesis were to explore where his revolutionary conviction came form, to examine how his thoughts and life interwove and evolved, most of all, to reassess his significance and relevance basing on the up-to-date research. 　　Bakunin's ideological and life odyssey was divided into three parts: a first, philosophic, stage lasting until 1847, in which he confined himself to German idealistic philosophy and socialist thoughts; a second, Pan-Slav phase lasting from 1848 to 1863, during which he saw the key to European revolution in the disintegration of the Hapsburg empire and its replacement by a free federation of Slavic peoples, contrary to this revolutionary PanSlavism, he also saw Russian emperors as revolutionary dictators issuing a revolution from above to emancipate all Slavic peoples; and a final, anarchist period. This period is divided into two parts: one, Russian, is to elaborate on his influences in Russian revolutionary movements and his reflections on the dilemma of the means and ethic of revolution; the other, European, is to examine his revolutionary activities in Europe, especially in Italy and the International Working Men's Association(the first International). The political philosophy of this time is a paean to destruction: all political, social and religious institutions must be destroyed, the goal being a free federation of independent associations. The means of revolution would be a universal rebellion of the lower orders of society, led by a secret group of conspirators bound together by an iron discipline. Four controversies was discussed, including the development of Bakunin's Hegelism interpreted as a continuous development or a leap in thought, whether his "Confession" diminished his integrity and reputation as a revolutionary, the problem of the joint authorship of "Catechism of a Revolutionary", and whether Bakunin's intrigues and secret societies were the main reason resulting in the disintegration of the first International. 　　The conclusion is drawn to point out that Bakunin's revolutionary conviction came from: (1)Hegelism as his revolutionary philosophy; (2)the search for the principals of French Revolution - Liberty, Equality and Fraternity; (3)his personality. His revolutionary means are chiefly propaganda and conspiracy. On the archaic forms of social movement, Bakunin was the true prophet of modern revolution.

This master’s thesis conducts a discourse analysis on a political organization within the New Christian Right (NCR), the American Family Association (AFA). The purpose of the study is to analyze the conditions of possibility for a politics that aims to prevent progress for LGBT rights and does so by analyzing the political terrain where operations of power produce particular and meaningful political practices. As analytical tools the study relies on a theory of the political by Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, who together with Michel Foucault also provide an elaborate theory of power. Theoretical work by Wendy Brown provides insights into how politics can be expressed when social antagonisms are prevented from engaging in political contestation. Results of the discourse analysis trace social antagonisms in AFA discourse to a dislocation of the social where new articulatory practices have established new relationships between elements of discourse and thereby also changed the nature of social intelligibility and interaction. AFA discourse articulates family values based on the privileged signifiers of freedom, democracy and rights, which is utilized both for a separatist politics of discrimination and an inclusive politics of social assimilation. AFA discourse shows many points of antagonism and organizes an enemy in postmodernism. Freedom as a mode of governmentality conditions the political demands that are and can be made which can be traced to a hegemonic neoliberal articulation. AFA discourse challenges neoliberal hegemony through the process of separatism, yet is intimately bound to the hegemonic way of making political demands in order to gain discursive strength and legitimacy.

Sverigedemokraterna är ett radikalt högerpopulistiskt parti som fortsätter att öka sedan valet år 2010. Vid en opinionsundersökning i april 2012 skulle partiet få 8 procent av medborgarnas röster. Syftet med vår uppsats är att förstå och förklara vilka orsaker som ligger till grund för att allt fler medborgare röstar på Sverigedemokraterna. För att kunna besvara syftet med uppsatsen har vi valt att göra en kvalitativ studie genom att med semistrukturerade intervjuer undersöka upplevelser och attityder till dagens samhällsförändringar bland Sverigedemokraternas väljare och relatera deras upplevelser till tidigare forskning inom ämnet. För att besvara vårt syfte blir frågeställningarna följande: På vilket sätt kan SD som parti locka allt fler väljare i dagens globaliserade Sverige? Vilka faktorer kan ligga till grund för att vissa medborgare röstar på SD? Samt vad tror de att SD kan bidra med och förändra i det svenska samhället och mer specifikt för deras egen situation? Vårt teoretiska ramverk är globalisering, representationen ”Vi och Dom”, nation/nationalism och välfärdschauvinism. Med dessa teorier kommer vi ur ett sociologiskt perspektiv förklara vilka samhällsprocesser som interagerar med väljarnas vardagssituation och därmed ligger till grund för deras politiska beslut. Det slutgiltiga resultatet visar att radikal högerpopulistisk retorik är genomgående i samtliga intervjuer. Invandring och välfärdsfrågor var det viktigaste faktorerna till varför intervjupersonerna röstade på Sverigedemokraterna. / The Sweden Democrats is a radical right wing party who continue to increase since the elections in 2010. At a poll in April 2012, the party would get 8 percent of the votes. The purpose of our paper is to understand and explain the reasons underlying that more and more citizens vote for the Sweden Democrats. To be able to respond to the purpose of the paper, we have chosen to make a qualitative study by using semi-structured interviews examine the experiences and attitudes of today's social changes among the Sweden Democrats ' voters and relate their experiences to the previous research on the subject. To answer our purpose becomes the following questions: In what way can the SD as an increasing number of voters in the party attract today's globalized Sweden? What factors can serve as the basis for that some citizens vote on SD? What do they think that SD can contribute and change in Swedish society and more specifically for their own situation? Our theoretical framework is globalization, representation "We and Them" nation/nationalism and welfare-chauvinism. With these theories we come from a sociological perspective to explain what social processes that interact with voters ' living situation and thus is the basis for their policy decisions. The final result shows that radical right wing rhetoric is consistently in all interviews. Immigration and welfare issues were the main factors why the respondents voted for the Sweden Democrats.

There is widespread agreement that populism is on the rise around the globe. A concept that has been largely associated with Latin America has increasingly become related to the Global North where populists have gained power in several countries in the past decade. Previously, scholars argued that although populism has the ability to rapidly attract popular support it rarely persists in the long term. Yet there are both historical and contempary examples to contradict that notion. Which leads to the question; how do populists sustain power in a competitive democracy? This paper takes a closer look at how populists in power use media strategies to solidify their position. Existing scholarly literature on the use of media by populists is scarce and has mainly been focused on Latin America. For the research purpose, a detailed narrative spanning an eight year period was conducted to account for the media strategies used by populists in the Hungarian government. The results dinstinguish several strategies used by populists in Hungary which can be linked to their success in preserving power. The thesis contributes to the knowledge on populist media strategies and the wide literature on populism.

The 1988 Federal Constitution adopted a guarantor criminal model, which is based on the rule of law, which lists fundamental rights, ensuring the individualization of punishment and establishing limits to the state's punitive power, situations in which guilt plays an important role in maintaining constitutional essence. Regardless of the importance of guilt, it has been suffering a serious crisis generated by the tension between the political-criminal function and the need to determine the proportionality of the penalty applied. The analysis of guilt is now faced not as a constitutional guarantee limiting abuses from the punitive power of the state, but as an obstacle to the application of more severe sentences, giving space to the social need to ward off violence from the social sphere, regardless of the means therefore. In this sense, the satisfaction of the popular clamor for justice gains a prominent place in the criminal jurisdiction, being also adopted as a parameter of efficiency by the Judicial Power. In this context, the concept of justice expected by society is now confused with the maximum application of criminal law, even without compliance with constitutional guarantees. In view of such a scenario, encouraged and propagated by the media, the decisions handed down by the Judiciary Branch are, notably after Criminal Action no. 470/MG, judged by the Federal Supreme Court to follow a new paradigm, utilitarian and with a greater bias corruption and violence aimed at pacification and social welfare, less important if effective mitigation of compliance with the guarantees provided in the constitutional order. A new model of criminal law has been drawn up by the jurisprudence of the STF, which, in order to meet the social anxieties influenced and reverberated by the mass media, makes populist decisions, many in disharmony with the constitutional norm, leaving aside their observance. Constitutional interpretation becomes essential for the maintenance of the constitutional guarantor base, provided it is made according to its essence, rescuing the analysis of guilt, individualizing the sentence, ensuring a subjective judgment of imputation. / A Constituição Federal de 1988 adotou um modelo penal garantista, próprio de um Estado de Direito, elencando rol de direitos fundamentais, assegurando a individualização da pena e estabelecendo limites ao avanço do poder punitivo estatal, situações nas quais a culpabilidade exerce importante papel na manutenção da essência constitucional garantista. Em que pese tal importância da culpabilidade, a mesma vem sofrendo séria crise gerada pela tensão existente entre a função político-criminal e a necessidade de determinação da proporcionalidade da pena aplicada. A análise da culpabilidade passa a ser enfrentada não como uma garantia constitucional limitadora de abusos provenientes do poder punitivo estatal, mas como obstáculo à aplicação de penas mais severas, cedendo espaço à necessidade social de se afastar a violência do seio social, não importando os meios para tanto. Nesse sentido, a satisfação do clamor popular por justiça ganha lugar de destaque na jurisdição criminal, sendo também adotado como parâmetro de eficiência pelo Poder Judiciário. Nesse contexto, o conceito de justiça esperado pela sociedade passa a ser confundido com a aplicação máxima do direito penal, ainda que sem a observância das garantias constitucionais. Diante de tal panorama, incentivado e propagado pelos meios de comunicação, as decisões proferidas pelo Poder Judiciário caminham, destacadamente a partir da Ação Penal nº 470/MG, julgada pelo Supremo Tribunal Federal, a seguir novo paradigma, utilitarista e com viés maior de combate à corrupção e à violência, visando atender à pacificação e ao bem-estar social, não importando se efetiva a mitigação da observância das garantias previstas na ordem constitucional. Um novo modelo de direito penal vem sendo desenhado pela jurisprudência do STF, que, visando atender os anseios sociais influenciados e reverberados pelos meios de comunicação, profere decisões populistas, muitas em desarmonia com a norma constitucional, deixando de lado a sua observância. A interpretação constitucional torna-se essencial para a manutenção da base garantista constitucional, desde que seja feita de acordo com a sua essência, resgatando-se a análise da culpabilidade, individualizando-se a pena, garantindo um juízo subjetivo de imputação. / São Cristóvão, SE

Orientador: Prof. Dr. Ivan Filipe de Almeida Lopes Fernandes / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Federal do ABC, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Políticas Públicas, São Bernardo do Campo, 2018. / O presente trabalho tem como objetivo analisar a relação existente entre a deterioração do contexto econômico e a ascensão eleitoral de partidos radicais (PRs) de direita (PRDs) e de esquerda (PREs) entre 2003 e 2016 na Europa. Partimos da hipótese de que a situação da economia não só gerou um sentimento anti-establishment na população dos países europeus, mas também realçou ressentimentos preexistentes, decorrentes de mudanças na estrutura produtiva e na composição étnica da população desde a década de 1980, com o aprofundamento da globalização produtiva. Estudamos 94 eleições para os Legislativos nacionais de 26 países das Europas ocidental e oriental, o que permite analisar a relação entre indicadores socioeconômicos, variações do sentimento anti-establishment e o desempenho de partidos radicais de ambos espectros políticos. Com o uso de dados em painel, encontramos evidências de que o desemprego constitui a principal variável econômica a afetar o sentimento anti-establishment da população no curto prazo, enquanto a modernização da economia o faz no longo prazo. Além disso, nossos dados mostram que o aumento do sentimento anti-establishment favorece mais os PREs do que os PRDs. Concluímos, assim, que a Grande Recessão trouxe consequências não só econômicas, mas, também, políticas para as democracias europeias, que terão que se adaptar ao novo status alcançado pelos partidos radicais. / This work aims at analyzing the existing relation between the economic deterioration and the ascension of radical right (RR) and left (RL) parties in the period 2003 to 2016 in Europe. We test the hypothesis that the economic situation not only has generated an anti-establishment sentiment in the population of European countries, but also reinforced previous resentments, caused by changes in the productive structure and ethnic composition since the 80s, as a result of the deepening of the productive globalization. We study 94 national legislative elections from 26 Western and Eastern European countries, which enables us to observe the relation between socioeconomic indicators, variations in the anti-establishment and the performance of radical parties from both ends of the political spectrum. Through the use of panel data, we find evidences that the unemployment constitutes the main economic variable affecting the anti-establishment sentiment of the population in the short-term, whereas the modernization of the economy does it in the long-term. Besides, our data show that the increase in the anti-establishment sentiment favors more the RLPs than it does the RRPs. Therefore, we conclude that the Great Recession has brought about not only economic but also political consequences to the European democracies, which will have to adapt to the new status achieved by the radical parties.

While several populist parties with ties to the left side of the ideological scale have become more prominent in the electoral arenas across Western Europe, the literature on populism still has a disproportionate focus on the right. To enhance the existing research on explanatory factors to the electoral fortunes of left-wing populist parties, this study tests two competing theories using multivariate regression analysis. The first theory concerns the effect of mainstream party convergence, and the second, the increased tension between governing parties’ responsive role towards the electorate and their responsible role as national leaders, here operationalized as the implementation of fiscal consolidation. The results show that austerity is conducive to left-wing populist success, and correspondingly supports the theory of the tension between governing parties’ responsibility and responsiveness. However, the effect is weaker when controlling for economic factors, which might be an indication of a partly spurious relationship or the included variables being endogenous. Despite a flexible operationalization, the convergence theory receives marginal to no support and the direction is opposite to what is expected in two of the models, rendering the results even more ambiguous and difficult to analyze. Whereas a lack of variation in the data denotes that the findings should be interpreted with caution, there is hence an indication that existing theories concerning the success of the populist left should not be taken for granted as long as empirical research is limited.