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Thesis (M.A. in Security Studies (Western Hemisphere))--Naval Postgraduate School, March 2009. / Thesis Advisor(s): Trinkunas, Harold A. ; Berger, Marcos (Mark T.). "March 2009." Description based on title screen as viewed on April 23, 2009. Author(s) subject terms: Venezuela, United States, Latin America, Populism, President Hugo Chávez, Inequality, Foreign Policy, Ideology. Includes bibliographical references (p. 61-67). Also available in print.

Thesis (Ph. D.)--University of Oregon, 1993. / Typescript. Includes vita and abstract. Includes bibliographical references (leaves 329-341). Also available via Internet as PDF file through Southern Oregon Digital Archives: http://soda.sou.edu. Search Bioregion Collection.

This thesis explores the broad continuities in the strategies that individual leaders in Africa have employed to mobilise political support across different historical periods and party systems, from the late colonial to the post-colonial era, and from single-party to multiparty systems. It examines this question through a historical biography of Michael Sata, a political leader in Zambia whose life and career, like those of several other Zambian individual politicians, cut across the main divides in the country's political history: the late-colonial period (1953-1964), the one-party state (1973-1991) and the era of multiparty democracy (since 1991). Sata's experiences also span a number of political organisations such as the United National Independence Party (from the early 1960s to 1991), the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (1991-2001) and the Patriotic Front (2001-2011). I argue that Sata employed several political strategies such as populism, clientelism, ethnic appeals and coalition building to mobilise support across these historical epochs and party institutions. The existing literature on Zambian political change has largely focused on ethnicity, which has taken attention away from the fact that most ethnic politics has had, as this thesis demonstrates, a populist component. More broadly, what this study demonstrates is the utility of historical biography in understanding political change. Examining the life of an individual whose experiences cut across supposed turning points and disruptions, or the institutions that have come and gone with them, captures not only change but continuities too, which are generally missing in many accounts of political life in Africa, and consequently allows us to gain new and unique insights.

viii, 64 p. A print copy of this thesis is available through the UO Libraries. Search the library catalog for the location and call number. / Since assuming office in January 2006, Bolivian President Evo Morales has been hailed as a populist by media and academic sources alike. Yet, scholarly theories have indicated that populism is unviable in office. This thesis will utilize a case study of Morales' presidency to test hypotheses of populist routinization. After establishing a working definition of populism, it will compare a baseline sample of Morales' prepresidency discourse to a second sample taken after his transition to power to determine whether the "essence" of populism has indeed been compromised. Ultimately, this thesis argues that theories of routinization are incorrect: although the characteristics of Morales' populism change after assuming the presidency, his appeals to and identification with common sense and ordinary values actually grow stronger in office. / Committee in Charge: Craig Parsons, Chair; Anna P. Gruben; Cas Mudde; Derrick L. Hindery

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A tese aqui apresentada almeja contribuir para a secular polêmica que recobre o ideal democrático. Com este propósito, buscar-se-á delinear, a partir das contribuições de Chantal Mouffe e Ernesto Laclau, o que poderia ser entendido como um modelo agonístico de democracia, operando, primeiramente, um breve resgate do espectro conceitual que o circunda, cujos extremos podem ser encontrados nas obras de Jürgen Habermas e Carl Schmitt, em relação às quais, segundo a hipótese perseguida ao longo do prólogo e do primeiro capítulo, tal modelo assumiria feições sintéticas. Em seguida, o agonismo será utilizado como ferramenta heurística mobilizada para responder à seguinte pergunta: o governo de Hugo Chávez representa uma ruptura ou uma continuidade, conquanto ao regime jurídico-político que o precedera? De acordo com este objetivo, no curso do segundo e do terceiro capítulos será construída uma narrativa que visa a atender ao desdobramento da hipótese central deste trabalho acerca da pertinência do modelo agonístico de democracia, entendido como ferramenta analítica particularmente adequada ao estudo do fenômeno chavista. Tal suposição, por sua vez, desdobrar-se-á em dois eixos intrinsecamente relacionados: um descritivo e outro normativo. No tocante ao primeiro, os esforços concentrar-se-ão na demonstração da adequação do conceito laclauniano de populismo para o entendimento do tipo de vínculo representativo estabelecido entre Hugo Chávez e seus eleitores. Quanto ao segundo eixo, espera-se ressaltar, através das considerações de Laclau mas, principalmente, Mouffe, os riscos inerentes a este tipo de representação, assim como possíveis formas de contorná-los. / The thesis presented here aims to contribute to the secular controversy covering the democratic ideal. To this end, I will seek to outline, based on contributions of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, what might be understood as an agonistic model of democracy. This will be done, first, by rescuing the conceptual spectrum that surrounds this model, whose boundaries can be found in the works of Jürgen Habermas and Carl Schmitt, in respect of whom it acquires synthetic features, according to the hypothesis to be pursued in the prologue and the first chapter. Then agonism will be used as a heuristic tool mobilized to answer the following question: Concerning the legal-political order that precedes it, is Hugo Chavezs government a rupture or a continuation ? In accordance to this goal, through the second and third chapters, a narrative will be constructed aiming at the development of the central hypothesis of this study about the relevance of the agonistic model of democracy, perceived as an analytical tool particularly appropriate for the study of the chavist phenomenon. This assumption, in turn, shall be developed in two closely related axes: one descriptive, one normative. Regarding the first one, the focus will be on demonstrating the appropriateness of the Laclaunian concept of populism to the understanding of the type of representative bond established between Hugo Chavez and his voters. Finally, on the second axis, through considerations of Laclau, but mainly Mouffe, some risks inherent in this kind of representation will be pointed out, as well as possible ways to counteract them.

[pt] A proposta desta dissertação é abordar o potencial do populismo na organização política ou, mais precisamente, na constituição de corpos eficazes. O trabalho apresenta os principais conceitos mobilizados pela teoria do populismo, de Ernesto Laclau e, num diálogo com autores como Yannis Stavrakakis, John Protevi, Vittorio Morfino, Frédéric Lordon e Espinosa, tem como objetivo aprofundar a discussão acerca dos aspectos afetivos envolvidos na construção do discurso populista, bem como investigar a possível relação entre a recente explosão populista, sobretudo nos Estados Unidos e na Europa, e determinadas características do chamado capitalismo tardio. / [en] The purpose of this dissertation is to address the potential of populism in political organization or, more precisely, in the constitution of effective bodies. The paper presents the main concepts mobilized by Ernesto Laclau s theory of populism and, in a dialogue with authors such as Yannis Stavrakakis, John Protevi, Vittorio Morfino, Frédéric Lordon and Espinosa, aims to deepen the discussion about the affective aspects involved in the construction of a populist discourse, as well as investigating the possible relationship between the recent populist explosion, especially in the United States and Europe, and certain characteristics of so-called late capitalism.

Conselho Nacional de Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico / A tese aqui apresentada almeja contribuir para a secular polêmica que recobre o ideal democrático. Com este propósito, buscar-se-á delinear, a partir das contribuições de Chantal Mouffe e Ernesto Laclau, o que poderia ser entendido como um modelo agonístico de democracia, operando, primeiramente, um breve resgate do espectro conceitual que o circunda, cujos extremos podem ser encontrados nas obras de Jürgen Habermas e Carl Schmitt, em relação às quais, segundo a hipótese perseguida ao longo do prólogo e do primeiro capítulo, tal modelo assumiria feições sintéticas. Em seguida, o agonismo será utilizado como ferramenta heurística mobilizada para responder à seguinte pergunta: o governo de Hugo Chávez representa uma ruptura ou uma continuidade, conquanto ao regime jurídico-político que o precedera? De acordo com este objetivo, no curso do segundo e do terceiro capítulos será construída uma narrativa que visa a atender ao desdobramento da hipótese central deste trabalho acerca da pertinência do modelo agonístico de democracia, entendido como ferramenta analítica particularmente adequada ao estudo do fenômeno chavista. Tal suposição, por sua vez, desdobrar-se-á em dois eixos intrinsecamente relacionados: um descritivo e outro normativo. No tocante ao primeiro, os esforços concentrar-se-ão na demonstração da adequação do conceito laclauniano de populismo para o entendimento do tipo de vínculo representativo estabelecido entre Hugo Chávez e seus eleitores. Quanto ao segundo eixo, espera-se ressaltar, através das considerações de Laclau mas, principalmente, Mouffe, os riscos inerentes a este tipo de representação, assim como possíveis formas de contorná-los. / The thesis presented here aims to contribute to the secular controversy covering the democratic ideal. To this end, I will seek to outline, based on contributions of Ernesto Laclau and Chantal Mouffe, what might be understood as an agonistic model of democracy. This will be done, first, by rescuing the conceptual spectrum that surrounds this model, whose boundaries can be found in the works of Jürgen Habermas and Carl Schmitt, in respect of whom it acquires synthetic features, according to the hypothesis to be pursued in the prologue and the first chapter. Then agonism will be used as a heuristic tool mobilized to answer the following question: Concerning the legal-political order that precedes it, is Hugo Chavezs government a rupture or a continuation ? In accordance to this goal, through the second and third chapters, a narrative will be constructed aiming at the development of the central hypothesis of this study about the relevance of the agonistic model of democracy, perceived as an analytical tool particularly appropriate for the study of the chavist phenomenon. This assumption, in turn, shall be developed in two closely related axes: one descriptive, one normative. Regarding the first one, the focus will be on demonstrating the appropriateness of the Laclaunian concept of populism to the understanding of the type of representative bond established between Hugo Chavez and his voters. Finally, on the second axis, through considerations of Laclau, but mainly Mouffe, some risks inherent in this kind of representation will be pointed out, as well as possible ways to counteract them.

No description available.

Cette thèse propose une réflexion sur le concept de populisme aujourd’hui, à partir d’une comparaison entre des cas français et japonais. Elle se focalise sur des périodes de campagne électorale et l’étude d’éléments présents dans les comptes rendus de presse écrite. Son raisonnement est structuré en deux parties. La première présente le concept de populisme et ses problèmes actuels, puis propose une réflexion d’ordre méthodologique, centrée sur la volonté de ne pas séparer les populistes des démocrates, et de considérer le populisme comme intrinsèque au politique. Dans le lignage de la théorie de la « raison populiste » d’Ernesto Laclau, cette partie définit une théorie du populisme comme composition médiatique : il y a du populisme quand s’opère avec succès une composition autour d’un élément dont on perçoit la trace médiatique. La seconde partie s’attache à étudier ce phénomène à travers une comparaison France-Japon. Elle définit les caractéristiques principales des compositions telles qu’elles se réalisent dans les deux pays, s’agissant à la fois de la composition de l’incarnation (comment l’on devient chef) et de celle du projet politique (comment l’on devient un enjeu central), au sein des élections législatives japonaises de 2005 et 2009, et de l’élection présidentielle française de 2007. Une attention particulière a été accordée à François Bayrou, Ségolène Royal (2007) et Koizumi Junichirō (2005) ; ainsi qu’à la privatisation de la poste (2005), le changement de gouvernement (2009), et mai 68 (2007). La conclusion de ce travail propose une théorie du populisme comme émergence et des pistes méthodologiques futures centrées sur la notion de « monade ». / This thesis offers a study of the concept of populism today, through a comparison between French and Japanese cases. It focuses on election campaigns and the study of elements present in newspapers articles. The reasoning is divided into two parts. The first one analyzes the current problems of the concept of populism, and then proposes a methodological reflection, based on a will not to distinguish populist people from democrats, and the empirical inclusion of populism and the political. Following Ernesto Laclau’s “populist reason” theory, this part gives a definition of populism as a “mediatic composition”: populism exists when a composition is successfully created around an element that is visible within mass media content. The second part is dedicated to the study of such phenomena through a Japan-France comparison. It defines the main characteristics of the compositions seen in both countries, with particular regard to incarnation (how to become a leader) and the political project (how to become a central issue), within the 2005 and 2009 Japanese legislative elections and the French 2007 presidential election. It dwells on the specificities of each country regarding the emergence of populist dynamics, consisting of elementary expansions within a campaign, whatever its nature (proposition, person, enemy…). A particular attention is given to François Bayrou, Ségolène Royal (2007) and Koizumi Junichirō (2005); as well as the postal privatization (2005), the change in government (2009) and May 68 (2007). The conclusion proposes a theory of populism as emergence and some methodological prospects based on the notion of ‘monad’.