O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar algumas produções de subjetividades que dão sentido ao mundo a partir de atuações do movimento estudantil, principalmente referido ao ensino superior, no Brasil. Para tanto foram escolhidas dois recortes temporais, não muito distantes no que tange a cronologia, as décadas referentes aos anos 1960-1970 e 1994-2004. Esses dois períodos foram escolhidos por serem entendidos como marcos na história desse movimento. No primeiro período citado, os apelos por mudança pululavam no Brasil, e também no movimento estudantil. As disputas de hegemonia entre as subjetividades que sustentavam os ideais capitalistas e comunistas abriram um campo onde outras subjetividades surgiram, tendo como um de seus efeitos a potencialização da diversidade nesse período. Já o segundo período, foi escolhido por ser referente ao ano em que as políticas neoliberais entraram mais sistematicamente no cotidiano universitário, produzindo efeitos desastrosos no que o movimento tinha de mais bonito: sua capacidade de aglutinação, sua capacidade catalisadora. Além das produções de subjetividades individualizantes, em âmbito mais geral, as amarras legalistas fragmentaram, ainda mais, a categoria estudantil, produzindo assim, uma hierarquização dos estudantes como, por exemplo, os Decretos, 2207 de 15/04/1997 e 2306 de 19/08/1997. Nesse contexto, podemos observar duas coisas: o movimento estudantil, nesse cenário franksteiniano, apresenta dificuldades de articulação com as bases, contudo ainda há movimentações estudantis potentes sem que, necessariamente estejam articulados a entidades estudantis. Mais um ponto importante para pensarmos nesse trabalho são os efeitos da partidarização das entidades representativas estudantis nesse cenário já extremamente fragmentado. A cisão tem se alargado, contudo, estudantes têm se mobilizado, independentemente das diretrizes e do pertencimento a essas entidades. As articulações estudantis têm conquistado mais resultados quando pontuais e relacionadas a um plano comum, que podemos chamar de micropolítico. Contudo, uma questão pulula nesse encerramento de prazo, apontando para caminhos ainda não explorados nesse trabalho: será que nos dias de hoje as vitórias no plano micropolítico, que são importantes, não estariam servindo como uma espécie de tamponamento para uma articulação mais coletiva. Enfim, encerro esse trabalho levantando essa questão premente, e com o direcionamento de uma rearticulação dos movimentos estudantis e sociais em geral no que tange a sua organização / The present work has objective to analyze some productions of subjectivity that constitute the direction of world from performances of the students movement, mainly related to superior education, in Brazil. For two secular clippings had been in such a way chosen, not very distant in what it refers to the referring chronology, decades to years 1960-1970 and 1994-2004. These two periods had been chosen by being understood as landmarks in the history of this movement. In the first cited period, the asks for change shows up in Brazil, and also in the students movement. The disputes between the capitalist and communist subjectivities had opened spaces so that the delinquents gained body, having as the one of its effect potential of the diversity in this period. Already as the period, was chosen by being referring to the year where the neoliberal politics had entered more systematically in the daily college student, producing disastrous effect in that the movement had of prettier: its capacity of get together, its catalyze capacity. Beyond the productions of individual makers subjectivity, in more general scope, the legalist mooring cables had broken up, still more, the student category, thus producing, a hierarchical of the students - as, for example, the Decrees, 2207 of 15/04/1997 and 2306 of 19/08/1997. In this context, we can observe two things: the students movement, in this scene franksteiniano, that presents bases articulations diffucults, whatever still happening powerful students movimantations not necessarily articulated with , necessarily the students entities are articulated. Plus a point important to think about this work are the effect of the political institutional space of the students representative entities in this scene already extremely broken up. The split has if widened, however, students if have mobilized, independently of the line of direction and the belonging in these entities. The students joints have conquered resulted more when prompt and related to a common plan, that we could call micropolitician. However, a question shows up in this closing of stated period, pointing with respect to explored ways not yet in this work: it will be that nowadays the victories in the plan micropolitician, which are important, are serving as a species of freezing for a collective joint, definitively. At last, I lock up this work raising this pressing question, and with the aiming of a rearticulation of the students and social movements in generality in what it refers to its organization

O que estamos fazendo de nós mesmos?” é uma inquietação nietzschiana que percorre o decorrer desse estudo. Tal inquietação leva‐me a construir uma trajetória de pesquisa em que a tônica está em almejar compreender – a partir da perspectiva dos Estudos Culturais pós‐estruturalistas – como está se dando, contemporaneamente, a produção de si e dos ‘outros’ numa cultura tão marcada por discursos relacionados aos corpos. Para operacionalizar esse estudo o corpus refere‐se a comunidades do orkut, mais especificamente as comunidades Eu odeio gordas, Eu odeio gordas que se acham e No Food, assim como blogs presentes no ciberespaço que possam contribuir nas argumentações. A escolha de tal corpus deve‐se pelas peculiaridades da internet, as quais propiciam que sujeitos expressem mais abertamente coisas sobre si e sobre os outros. As discussões referem‐se, então, sobre: a) produções de si que, conectadas a discursos que envolvem normalizações corporais contemporâneas, envolvem aprendizagens que se dão a partir de elementos urdidos na cultura. São considerados, assim, o quanto a cultura intervém nos processos que envolvem sujeitos assujeitados a práticas de bio‐ascese, as quais são fruto de objetivações produzidas num entorno maior, o qual engloba o uso de técnicas para efetuações de aprendizagens para a produção do que nós estamos sendo; b) as tensões entre corpos ‘magros’ e corpos ‘gordos’ os quais trazem, consigo, um acirramento em práticas racistas, que envolvem a apartação e separação dos nomeados como ‘outros’, numa desenfreada busca pela ‘pureza’. O imperativo da saúde, nesse ínterim, também é assinalado como um produtivo locus para a criação dos nomeados como ‘diferentes’, tendo em vista que uma quantidade considerável de escritas sobre os ‘outros’ analisadas se apóiam em discursos advindos desse imperativo para marcar e demarcar quem são os ‘outros’; c) escritas que mostram o quanto certas situações cotidianas que envolvem a diminuição desse ‘outro’ marcado conforme a sua imagem corporal produz certos modos de sentir associados a escritas dolorosas, as quais mostram o tamanho do sofrimento que as nomeações produzem; d) o quanto a retomada da ética pode ser fecunda para a criação de modos de existências que resistam aos inúmeros imperativos dircionados a nós, tais como os ‘tirânicos’ imperativos relacionados aos corpos. Há, em suma, uma inseparabilidade entre as questões “o que estamos fazendo de nós mesmos?”, “o que estamos fazendo de nossos corpos?” e, ainda, “o que estamos fazendo com os ‘outros’?”. / What have we been doing of ourselves?” It is a Nietzschean’s concern that covers in the course of this study. Such concern leads me to construct a research trajectory in which tonic is the wish of understanding – from the Pos‐Structured Cultural Studies perspective – how it is been occurring, contemporarily, the production of oneself and of the ‘others’ in a culture so marked by speeches related to the bodies. In order to operate this study, the corpus refers to the orkut communities, more specifically to the I hate fat women communities, I hate fat women who are grasped and No Food, as well as blogs present in the cyberspace that may contribute to the arguments. Such corpus choice has to do with the Internet peculiarities, which provide subjects that express things about one and others more broadly. The discussions refer, then, to: a) productions of oneself that, connected to speeches that involve contemporary body normalizations, involve learning that happen since elements weaved from the culture. It is considered, therefore, how much the culture intervene in the processes that involve the subjects submitted to the bio‐ascetics practices, in which are objectivities fruit produced in a greater round, which approach the use of techniques for the learning effects to the production of what we are being; b) the tensions between the ‘thin’ bodies and the ‘fat’ bodies which bring, with themselves, the racist practices toughness, that involve the putting apart and the separation of the named ones as ‘others’, in a unbridled searching for the ‘pureness’. The health imperative, in the interim, is also assigned as a locus productive to the named ones creation as ‘different’, seeing that a considerable quantity of analyzed writing about the ‘others’ lean on speeches originated from this imperative in order to mark and demarcate who are the ‘others’; c) writings which demonstrate how certain routine situations that involve the decreasing of this ‘other’ marked according to its body image produce certain manners of feeling associated with the painful writings, which show the suffering amount that the naming produce; d) how much the ethics retaking may be fertile to the creation of means of existences that resist to the imperative numbers direced to us, such as the ‘tyrannical’ imperatives related to the bodies. There is, in summary, an inseparability among the questions “what have we been doing of ourselves?”, “what have we been doing of our bodies?” and, still, “what have we been doing with the others’?”

O presente trabalho tem por objetivo analisar algumas produções de subjetividades que dão sentido ao mundo a partir de atuações do movimento estudantil, principalmente referido ao ensino superior, no Brasil. Para tanto foram escolhidas dois recortes temporais, não muito distantes no que tange a cronologia, as décadas referentes aos anos 1960-1970 e 1994-2004. Esses dois períodos foram escolhidos por serem entendidos como marcos na história desse movimento. No primeiro período citado, os apelos por mudança pululavam no Brasil, e também no movimento estudantil. As disputas de hegemonia entre as subjetividades que sustentavam os ideais capitalistas e comunistas abriram um campo onde outras subjetividades surgiram, tendo como um de seus efeitos a potencialização da diversidade nesse período. Já o segundo período, foi escolhido por ser referente ao ano em que as políticas neoliberais entraram mais sistematicamente no cotidiano universitário, produzindo efeitos desastrosos no que o movimento tinha de mais bonito: sua capacidade de aglutinação, sua capacidade catalisadora. Além das produções de subjetividades individualizantes, em âmbito mais geral, as amarras legalistas fragmentaram, ainda mais, a categoria estudantil, produzindo assim, uma hierarquização dos estudantes como, por exemplo, os Decretos, 2207 de 15/04/1997 e 2306 de 19/08/1997. Nesse contexto, podemos observar duas coisas: o movimento estudantil, nesse cenário franksteiniano, apresenta dificuldades de articulação com as bases, contudo ainda há movimentações estudantis potentes sem que, necessariamente estejam articulados a entidades estudantis. Mais um ponto importante para pensarmos nesse trabalho são os efeitos da partidarização das entidades representativas estudantis nesse cenário já extremamente fragmentado. A cisão tem se alargado, contudo, estudantes têm se mobilizado, independentemente das diretrizes e do pertencimento a essas entidades. As articulações estudantis têm conquistado mais resultados quando pontuais e relacionadas a um plano comum, que podemos chamar de micropolítico. Contudo, uma questão pulula nesse encerramento de prazo, apontando para caminhos ainda não explorados nesse trabalho: será que nos dias de hoje as vitórias no plano micropolítico, que são importantes, não estariam servindo como uma espécie de tamponamento para uma articulação mais coletiva. Enfim, encerro esse trabalho levantando essa questão premente, e com o direcionamento de uma rearticulação dos movimentos estudantis e sociais em geral no que tange a sua organização / The present work has objective to analyze some productions of subjectivity that constitute the direction of world from performances of the students movement, mainly related to superior education, in Brazil. For two secular clippings had been in such a way chosen, not very distant in what it refers to the referring chronology, decades to years 1960-1970 and 1994-2004. These two periods had been chosen by being understood as landmarks in the history of this movement. In the first cited period, the asks for change shows up in Brazil, and also in the students movement. The disputes between the capitalist and communist subjectivities had opened spaces so that the delinquents gained body, having as the one of its effect potential of the diversity in this period. Already as the period, was chosen by being referring to the year where the neoliberal politics had entered more systematically in the daily college student, producing disastrous effect in that the movement had of prettier: its capacity of get together, its catalyze capacity. Beyond the productions of individual makers subjectivity, in more general scope, the legalist mooring cables had broken up, still more, the student category, thus producing, a hierarchical of the students - as, for example, the Decrees, 2207 of 15/04/1997 and 2306 of 19/08/1997. In this context, we can observe two things: the students movement, in this scene franksteiniano, that presents bases articulations diffucults, whatever still happening powerful students movimantations not necessarily articulated with , necessarily the students entities are articulated. Plus a point important to think about this work are the effect of the political institutional space of the students representative entities in this scene already extremely broken up. The split has if widened, however, students if have mobilized, independently of the line of direction and the belonging in these entities. The students joints have conquered resulted more when prompt and related to a common plan, that we could call micropolitician. However, a question shows up in this closing of stated period, pointing with respect to explored ways not yet in this work: it will be that nowadays the victories in the plan micropolitician, which are important, are serving as a species of freezing for a collective joint, definitively. At last, I lock up this work raising this pressing question, and with the aiming of a rearticulation of the students and social movements in generality in what it refers to its organization

Em 1895 ocorreu a primeira exibição cinematográfica, fruto do invento de Louis e Auguste Lumière denominado de cinematógrafo. Esse aparelho permitia a projeção de cenas para várias pessoas ao mesmo tempo, surgindo, dessa forma, o cinema. Principalmente a partir do século XXI a indústria cinematográfica brasileira encontra-se em um momento de expansão, com aumento de público e renda. Apesar do desempenho interno favorável do Brasil, o setor carece de informações no que se refere a saída de obras brasileiras para o exterior. Neste contexto, o objetivo do presente estudo foi identificar como as transformações do campo do cinema no Brasil condicionaram ou oportunizaram a entrada de filmes brasileiros no mercado internacional a partir da década de 1990. O conceito de campo utilizado neste trabalho segue a perspectiva de Fligstein, onde um dado mercado é entendido como campo, tornando necessário a especificação do mercado, identificação dos jogadores e a compreensão de como o relacionamento social e o entendimento cultural criam campos estáveis como forma de resolver os problemas de competição e incerteza. Para analisar o movimento de saída de obras nacionais foi empregado a Teoria de Internacionalização da Escola de Uppsala. Neste estudo foram utilizados dados secundários, provenientes dos organismos ligados ao cinema e fontes especializadas. Além da pesquisa documental, foram aplicados questionários e foi realizada uma entrevista com os agentes presentes no campo de forma a confrontar com os dados secundários. Por meio deste trabalho, foi evidenciado a relação entre as mudanças do campo cinematográfico e a saída de obras brasileiras ao exterior. As principais mudanças do campo cinematográfico a partir da década de 1990 foram a aprovação da Lei Rouanet e as demais políticas de financiamento, o reconhecimento através das indicações das obras brasileiras nos festivais e premiações internacionais, os acordos internacionais e os programas de fomento do cinema nacional. Através destas mudanças, o Estado exerceu o papel fundamental na retomada do cinema brasileiro por meio de mecanismos de captação de recursos e no aprimoramento da legislação reguladora do cinema. No que concerne aos aspectos da Teoria de Internacionalização da Escola de Uppsala, características como a escolha dos mercados e como ocorreu a inserção no mercado global foram congruentes com a saída de obras brasileiras no mercado internacional. / In 1895, the first cinema exhibition occurred, it was the result of the invention of Auguste and Louis Lumière who were defined as cinematographers. This device allowed the projection of scenes to several persons at the same time, thus, emerging the film. Mainly from the twenty-first century the Brazilian film industry is in a boom, with a great number of new customers and better revenues every year. Despite the favorable internal performance of Brazil, the sector lacks of information related to Brazilian works presented abroad. In this context, the aim of this study is to identify how changes in the field of cinema in Brazil gave support or foster the internationalization process of the Brazilian films in the foreign market since 1990. The concept of field used in this work follows the Fligstein perspective, where a given market is understood as a field, requiring the specification of the market, player identification and understanding of how social relationships and cultural understanding create stable fields as a way to solve the problems of competition and uncertainty. To analyze the movement of the entry of national works the author employed the Theory of Internationalization of Uppsala School. This study used secondary data from agencies in the film industry and from key players. Besides the documentary research, in depth interviews were conducted with experienced agents, contrasting their point of view with the secondary data. First, this work evidenced the relationship between changes in the cinematographic field and the flow of Brazilian works abroad. The main changes in cinematographic field since 1990s were the approval of the Rouanet and other funding policies, recognition of the Brazilian’s work in international festivals and prizes awarded international agreements and promoting national cinema agenda. Through these changes, it is clear the key role of the Government to the resumption of Brazilian cinema, results achieved through mechanisms of funding and improvements in cinema legislation. Regarding aspects of Internationalization Theory of Uppsala School, features like the choice of markets and how to place the insertion in the global market were congruent with the departure of Brazilian films in the international market.

O que estamos fazendo de nós mesmos?” é uma inquietação nietzschiana que percorre o decorrer desse estudo. Tal inquietação leva‐me a construir uma trajetória de pesquisa em que a tônica está em almejar compreender – a partir da perspectiva dos Estudos Culturais pós‐estruturalistas – como está se dando, contemporaneamente, a produção de si e dos ‘outros’ numa cultura tão marcada por discursos relacionados aos corpos. Para operacionalizar esse estudo o corpus refere‐se a comunidades do orkut, mais especificamente as comunidades Eu odeio gordas, Eu odeio gordas que se acham e No Food, assim como blogs presentes no ciberespaço que possam contribuir nas argumentações. A escolha de tal corpus deve‐se pelas peculiaridades da internet, as quais propiciam que sujeitos expressem mais abertamente coisas sobre si e sobre os outros. As discussões referem‐se, então, sobre: a) produções de si que, conectadas a discursos que envolvem normalizações corporais contemporâneas, envolvem aprendizagens que se dão a partir de elementos urdidos na cultura. São considerados, assim, o quanto a cultura intervém nos processos que envolvem sujeitos assujeitados a práticas de bio‐ascese, as quais são fruto de objetivações produzidas num entorno maior, o qual engloba o uso de técnicas para efetuações de aprendizagens para a produção do que nós estamos sendo; b) as tensões entre corpos ‘magros’ e corpos ‘gordos’ os quais trazem, consigo, um acirramento em práticas racistas, que envolvem a apartação e separação dos nomeados como ‘outros’, numa desenfreada busca pela ‘pureza’. O imperativo da saúde, nesse ínterim, também é assinalado como um produtivo locus para a criação dos nomeados como ‘diferentes’, tendo em vista que uma quantidade considerável de escritas sobre os ‘outros’ analisadas se apóiam em discursos advindos desse imperativo para marcar e demarcar quem são os ‘outros’; c) escritas que mostram o quanto certas situações cotidianas que envolvem a diminuição desse ‘outro’ marcado conforme a sua imagem corporal produz certos modos de sentir associados a escritas dolorosas, as quais mostram o tamanho do sofrimento que as nomeações produzem; d) o quanto a retomada da ética pode ser fecunda para a criação de modos de existências que resistam aos inúmeros imperativos dircionados a nós, tais como os ‘tirânicos’ imperativos relacionados aos corpos. Há, em suma, uma inseparabilidade entre as questões “o que estamos fazendo de nós mesmos?”, “o que estamos fazendo de nossos corpos?” e, ainda, “o que estamos fazendo com os ‘outros’?”. / What have we been doing of ourselves?” It is a Nietzschean’s concern that covers in the course of this study. Such concern leads me to construct a research trajectory in which tonic is the wish of understanding – from the Pos‐Structured Cultural Studies perspective – how it is been occurring, contemporarily, the production of oneself and of the ‘others’ in a culture so marked by speeches related to the bodies. In order to operate this study, the corpus refers to the orkut communities, more specifically to the I hate fat women communities, I hate fat women who are grasped and No Food, as well as blogs present in the cyberspace that may contribute to the arguments. Such corpus choice has to do with the Internet peculiarities, which provide subjects that express things about one and others more broadly. The discussions refer, then, to: a) productions of oneself that, connected to speeches that involve contemporary body normalizations, involve learning that happen since elements weaved from the culture. It is considered, therefore, how much the culture intervene in the processes that involve the subjects submitted to the bio‐ascetics practices, in which are objectivities fruit produced in a greater round, which approach the use of techniques for the learning effects to the production of what we are being; b) the tensions between the ‘thin’ bodies and the ‘fat’ bodies which bring, with themselves, the racist practices toughness, that involve the putting apart and the separation of the named ones as ‘others’, in a unbridled searching for the ‘pureness’. The health imperative, in the interim, is also assigned as a locus productive to the named ones creation as ‘different’, seeing that a considerable quantity of analyzed writing about the ‘others’ lean on speeches originated from this imperative in order to mark and demarcate who are the ‘others’; c) writings which demonstrate how certain routine situations that involve the decreasing of this ‘other’ marked according to its body image produce certain manners of feeling associated with the painful writings, which show the suffering amount that the naming produce; d) how much the ethics retaking may be fertile to the creation of means of existences that resist to the imperative numbers direced to us, such as the ‘tyrannical’ imperatives related to the bodies. There is, in summary, an inseparability among the questions “what have we been doing of ourselves?”, “what have we been doing of our bodies?” and, still, “what have we been doing with the others’?”

Em 1895 ocorreu a primeira exibição cinematográfica, fruto do invento de Louis e Auguste Lumière denominado de cinematógrafo. Esse aparelho permitia a projeção de cenas para várias pessoas ao mesmo tempo, surgindo, dessa forma, o cinema. Principalmente a partir do século XXI a indústria cinematográfica brasileira encontra-se em um momento de expansão, com aumento de público e renda. Apesar do desempenho interno favorável do Brasil, o setor carece de informações no que se refere a saída de obras brasileiras para o exterior. Neste contexto, o objetivo do presente estudo foi identificar como as transformações do campo do cinema no Brasil condicionaram ou oportunizaram a entrada de filmes brasileiros no mercado internacional a partir da década de 1990. O conceito de campo utilizado neste trabalho segue a perspectiva de Fligstein, onde um dado mercado é entendido como campo, tornando necessário a especificação do mercado, identificação dos jogadores e a compreensão de como o relacionamento social e o entendimento cultural criam campos estáveis como forma de resolver os problemas de competição e incerteza. Para analisar o movimento de saída de obras nacionais foi empregado a Teoria de Internacionalização da Escola de Uppsala. Neste estudo foram utilizados dados secundários, provenientes dos organismos ligados ao cinema e fontes especializadas. Além da pesquisa documental, foram aplicados questionários e foi realizada uma entrevista com os agentes presentes no campo de forma a confrontar com os dados secundários. Por meio deste trabalho, foi evidenciado a relação entre as mudanças do campo cinematográfico e a saída de obras brasileiras ao exterior. As principais mudanças do campo cinematográfico a partir da década de 1990 foram a aprovação da Lei Rouanet e as demais políticas de financiamento, o reconhecimento através das indicações das obras brasileiras nos festivais e premiações internacionais, os acordos internacionais e os programas de fomento do cinema nacional. Através destas mudanças, o Estado exerceu o papel fundamental na retomada do cinema brasileiro por meio de mecanismos de captação de recursos e no aprimoramento da legislação reguladora do cinema. No que concerne aos aspectos da Teoria de Internacionalização da Escola de Uppsala, características como a escolha dos mercados e como ocorreu a inserção no mercado global foram congruentes com a saída de obras brasileiras no mercado internacional. / In 1895, the first cinema exhibition occurred, it was the result of the invention of Auguste and Louis Lumière who were defined as cinematographers. This device allowed the projection of scenes to several persons at the same time, thus, emerging the film. Mainly from the twenty-first century the Brazilian film industry is in a boom, with a great number of new customers and better revenues every year. Despite the favorable internal performance of Brazil, the sector lacks of information related to Brazilian works presented abroad. In this context, the aim of this study is to identify how changes in the field of cinema in Brazil gave support or foster the internationalization process of the Brazilian films in the foreign market since 1990. The concept of field used in this work follows the Fligstein perspective, where a given market is understood as a field, requiring the specification of the market, player identification and understanding of how social relationships and cultural understanding create stable fields as a way to solve the problems of competition and uncertainty. To analyze the movement of the entry of national works the author employed the Theory of Internationalization of Uppsala School. This study used secondary data from agencies in the film industry and from key players. Besides the documentary research, in depth interviews were conducted with experienced agents, contrasting their point of view with the secondary data. First, this work evidenced the relationship between changes in the cinematographic field and the flow of Brazilian works abroad. The main changes in cinematographic field since 1990s were the approval of the Rouanet and other funding policies, recognition of the Brazilian’s work in international festivals and prizes awarded international agreements and promoting national cinema agenda. Through these changes, it is clear the key role of the Government to the resumption of Brazilian cinema, results achieved through mechanisms of funding and improvements in cinema legislation. Regarding aspects of Internationalization Theory of Uppsala School, features like the choice of markets and how to place the insertion in the global market were congruent with the departure of Brazilian films in the international market.

Les fibules émaillées semblent être singulièrement caractéristiques d’un territoire relativement restreint de l’Empire romain, à savoir les provinces de Gaule Belgique, de Germanie et de Bretagne romaines. Il s’agit d’une production qui aurait vraisemblablement débuter à la fin du Ier s. PCN, et qui a connu un tel succès qu’elle semble supplanter totalement les fibules non émaillées au IIème s. PCN. Malgré le développement important des études typologiques des fibules romaines durant les années 1970 et 1980, les formes émaillées s’avèrent être le parent pauvre de la discipline, notamment pour l’établissement de chronologies. Le but de la recherche vise à identifier les facteurs technologiques et socio-économiques qui ont influencé la production et la consommation des fibules émaillées tout au long de leur existence. Il est donc question de comprendre les choix des producteurs de fibules pour répondre aux attentes diverses des utilisateurs. Cette démarche implique d’abord de comprendre les évolutions majeures des formes de ces objets dans le monde romain. Un corpus d’étude rassemblant les fibules émaillées découvertes dans les civitates Menapiorum, Nerviorum, Treverorum et Tungrorum a donc été constitué en intégrant non seulement du matériel de musées et de centres de recherches archéologiques mais également celui de plusieurs collections privées. Afin de compléter cet ensemble, les fibules mentionnées dans la littérature archéologique ont également été ajoutées aux objets récolés. Malgré l’existence de plusieurs typologies, un nouveau système de classement a été développé afin de répondre aux objectifs de la recherche. Cette typologie, dont le but principal est de définir les périodes d’utilisation et de production ainsi que de préciser la diffusion de chacune des formes, constitue l’outil de base pour mettre en évidence les principales mutations formelles des fibules émaillées tout au long de leur existence. Il est ensuite question d’étudier les modes de production de ces objets et l’organisation de celle-ci pour identifier les choix stratégiques qu’ont fait les producteurs de fibules en fonction de l’environnement social, économique et politique. Cette approche nécessite que les matériaux et les techniques de fabrication soient identifiés. Par conséquent, une sélection d’objets a été réalisée à partir du matériel d’étude afin de constituer un corpus analytique. Des observations techniques ainsi que plusieurs types d’analyses physico-chimiques ont été pratiquées sur les fibules de ce corpus grâce à une collaboration avec l’Institut Royal du Patrimoine Artistique (KIK-IRPA). Il s’agissait de caractériser non seulement les alliages des objets par XRF mais aussi leurs émaux par SEM-EDX. Parallèlement à cette approche archéométrique, les modalités d’organisation de la production sont abordées d’une part, grâce à l’étude des traces archéologiques (infrastructures, objets inachevés, etc.) témoignant de la fabrication des fibules émaillées, et d’autre part, par l’étude des phénomènes d’ateliers observés à partir des objets eux-mêmes. Enfin, le dernier aspect vise à identifier les différents lieux dans lesquels les fibules émaillées étaient consommées ainsi que leurs utilisateurs afin de définir les principales caractéristiques de ces objets en tant que biens de consommation. Alors que les fibules sont omniprésentes dans la société gallo-romaine, rares sont les études approfondies qui étudient les modalités de leur consommation en fonction des contextes et des utilisateurs. Il est dès lors question de déterminer si les fibules émaillées étaient des produits urbains et/ou ruraux et si elles étaient consommées de la même manière par les populations des différents territoires (provinces, cités romaines, etc.). L’individu, en tant que consommateur, ne pouvant être abordé qu’à travers les sépultures, une étude systématique du mobilier funéraire des tombes de plusieurs nécropoles a été conduite pour préciser le statut des fibules émaillées dans la société gallo-romaine. Ainsi, la présence des fibules émaillées dans les sépultures a été statistiquement étudiée en fonction des territoires, du sexe et de l’âge des individus et des chronologies des tombes. Les résultats de la recherche indiquent que ces accessoires vestimentaires étaient avant tout fabriqués pour remplir une fonction utilitaire, celle de maintenir des pans de vêtements ensemble. Leur forme arquée est d’ailleurs l’élément caractéristique de cette utilité car c’est dans le creux de l’arc que l’amas de tissu était maintenu. Néanmoins, à partir de la fin du Ier s. PCN, les fibules romaines, et principalement les exemplaires émaillés, ont commencé à s’aplatir, amorçant de facto un glissement de leur fonction principale, en devenant des bijoux dotés d’une utilité davantage esthétique. Les morphologies et les décors émaillés, de plus en plus riches et complexes, témoignent de cette profonde mutation, probablement induite par un changement de la mode vestimentaire. Alors qu’au début de la production, les alliages cuivreux utilisés pour ces objets témoignent d’un certain niveau de qualité (bronze et laiton « purs »), les fibules du IIème s. PCN sont principalement fabriquées à partir de métaux recyclés. Ce phénomène, témoignant d’une stratégie opportuniste, est probablement lié à la nécessité de produire plus, résultant de l’explosion de la demande. Les analyses physico-chimiques des émaux indiquent qu’il s’agissait majoritairement de verres translucides d’origine orientale qui avaient probablement été opacifiés et/ou colorés dans des ateliers secondaires. Les artisans émailleurs ne semblent avoir joué un rôle que très limité dans la production des émaux bien qu’il soit possible qu’ils aient modifié les propriétés physico-chimiques du verre en fonction des motifs émaillés.Des analogies morphologiques, stylistiques et technologiques ont montré que des liens devaient être faits entre les fibules et d’autres objets (boîtes à sceau, appliques, etc.), dont certains montrent l’existence d’infrastructures produisant plusieurs types d’objets. Bien que non exhaustives, les données semblent indiquer que la fabrication de fibules émaillées constituait une activité développée par des producteurs affranchis de toute autorité et qui évoluaient librement sur les marchés. On peut distinguer deux types d’organisation de la production avec, d’une part, des producteurs dispersés qui répondent à une demande exclusivement locale, et, d’autre part, des producteurs nucléés en quelques endroits qui inondent un marché provincial. La présente recherche a, par ailleurs, révélé que les fibules émaillées étaient consommées dans la plupart des sphères de la société gallo-romaine. Elles sont attestées dans les habitats ruraux et urbains, dans les lieux publics (fora, thermes, théâtres, etc.) et de culte (sanctuaires, temples, etc.), dans les nécropoles (ustrina, sépultures, etc.) ainsi que dans les zones artisanales et commerciales. L’étude de la consommation a révélé que plusieurs territoires n’utilisaient pas ces objets. Ainsi, la Civitas Menapiorum et le nord de la Civitas Tungrorum témoignent de cette absence qu’il est tentant d’assimiler à un rejet des fibules émaillées, et ce malgré la très grande proximité avec d’autres territoires qui en sont richement pourvus. Il est d’autant plus frappant que la diffusion des fibules émaillées dans cet espace coïncide avec le faciès géographique de la culture matérielle du « villa landscape ». Il semblerait donc que ces objets doivent être vus comme des productions caractéristiques de cette culture matérielle. / Doctorat en Histoire, histoire de l'art et archéologie / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

La thèse s’appuie sur un recueil de 48 productions narratives, orales puis écrites, recueillies auprès d’élèves scolarisés en classe de CM2, dans deux écoles de Metz et de Libreville. La consigne – identique dans les deux situations – a consisté à demander aux élèves qu’ils racontent une histoire qui leur était arrivée et qui les avait frappés. Nous cherchions, à partir de ce recueil empirique, à évaluer « qualitativement » la compétence narrative des élèves telle que plusieurs comparaisons nous aidaient à le faire (les deux productions d’un même élève, les productions écrites de la classe française, etc.). Après une première partie qui procède à différents cadrages – théoriques et méthodologiques – les analyses des productions recueillies sont envisagées du point de vue de la temporalité interne des procès (l’avancée, la simultanéité et la régression des faits rapportés) ainsi que le suggèrent les analyse de Bres (2001). Quant à l’évaluation de la cohésion des discours produits, nous nous sommes inspirée des études sur la cohérence et la cohésion (Adam, 2011 ; Charolles 1988) pour envisager les productions d’un point de vue d’abord global – le niveau supérieur de la narrativité – sur ce qu’elles semblent indiquer comme intention signifiante. Nous avons ensuite envisagé le niveau intermédiaire des plans de texte et de leur cohésion, c’est-à-dire de l’enchaînement des énoncés et des phénomènes de liaison (ou de rupture) qui, non strictement syntaxiques, qui fondent cette cohésion. Il s’est agi, tout au long de ce travail d’éviter une conception trop étroitement normative et micro-structurelle des erreurs rencontrées. À l’issue d’une deuxième partie consacrée aux analyses des productions recueillies, la dernière partie s’efforce de reconfigurer les activités langagières dans le cadre de la didactique du français et de sérier les domaines de compétence dans lesquels s’exerce la pratique narrative d’élèves âgés d’une dizaine d’années, comme le sont ceux que nous avons soumis à notre investigation / The thesis is based on a collection of 48 narrative productions, oral and written, collected from pupils enrolled in the CM2 class at two schools in Metz and Libreville. The instruction - identical in both situations - consisted in asking the students to tell a story that had happened to them and that had struck them. From this empirical collection, we sought to evaluate the narrative competence of the pupils as "qualitatively" as several comparisons helped us to do (the two productions of the same pupil, the written productions of the French class, etc.) After a first part which proceeds to different frames - theoretical andMethodologies - the analyzes of the collected productions are considered from the point of view of the internal temporality of the processes (the progress, the simultaneity and the regression of the reported facts) as suggested by the analyzes of Bres (2001). As for the evaluation of the cohesion of the discourse produced, we based our studies on coherence and cohesion (Adam, 2011, Charolles 1988) to consider production from a global point of view - Of narrativity - on what they seem to indicate as meaningful intention. We then considered the intermediate level of the textplanes and their cohesion, that is to say, the chaining of utterances and the phenomena of bonding (or rupture) which, not strictly syntactic, underlie this cohesion. Throughout this work, we have avoided an overly normative and micro-structural conception of the errors encountered. After a second part devoted to the analyzes of the collected productions, the last part attempts to reconfigure the linguistic activities within the framework of the didactics of French and to set out the areas of competence in which the narrative practice is practiced Of students aged about ten years, as are those we have submitted to our investigation

Les productions alimentaires régionales, dites « de terroir » ou « localisées » se sont remarquablement développées à partir du tournant des années 80, selon des modes de valorisation variés allant du petit producteur à l’industriel labélisé. A l’aune d’une enquête de terrain portant sur la diversité des modalités de valorisation des nombreuses productions du département de la Drôme, nous nous sommes rendus compte que la diversité des modes de valorisation sur ce territoire n’était pas seulement de nature organisationnelle et stratégique. En effet, le terrain nous a conduit à supposer l’existence d’une diversité de significations sociales associées à la production localisée. Cette diversité s’incarnait dans le fait que la référence à la tradition n’était plus le seul vecteur de légitimation pour une production localisée. C’est ainsi que nous avons cherché à analyser la diversité organisationnelle mais aussi symbolique des différents processus de valorisation. Au vu de la fonction sociale d’aliment identifié dans un contexte industrialisé qu’ont les productions localisées, nous avons alors compris, qu’un nouveau sens social associé à la production locale serait signifiant d’un rapport nouveau au besoin d’identification de l’alimentation dans un contexte industrialisé et mondialisé. Pour analyser cette diversité organisationnelle et symbolique, nous avons pensé les processus de valorisation comme des systèmes de domination, au sens où l’entend Max Weber. Ainsi, le système et la stratégie de valorisation ont été mis au jour, de même que la forme de la légitimation sur laquelle repose la signification sociale de la production. Dans ce cadre, nous avons analysé six variations de localisation par référence à la tradition ainsi qu’une manière de localiser émergente. Dans cette dernière, l’ancrage local de la production s’effectue par le fait d’avoir été produite, transformée et vendue localement par le petit fermier local, souvent néo-rural, selon des savoirs et des savoir-faire de production, de transformation et d’organisation de vente construits à travers les réseaux de partage et de vente existants entre ces exploitants. Ces réseaux, formels et informels, sont créés soit par le biais du monde associatif agricole soit en toute autonomie. Dans ce cadre, chaque exploitant a pour objectif de produire et de vendre mais aussi de « faire groupe » tout en gardant son indépendance face à ses pairs et face aux acteurs institutionnels. Ainsi, ces producteurs, dans leur rapport à la production et au groupe, permettent l’émergence de savoirs et de savoir-faire de production localisée ancrés dans un « ici et maintenant » culturel associé à leur figure de petits fermiers locaux. / This research emanates from a field survey we conducted in the Department of Drôme, France, which deals with the analysis of a variety of valorization methods of local food productions we sought to explain. Local food productions are a traditional production rooted in time and space, regardless the organizational and strategic variety of valorization methods. In the Drôme territory, we found a variety of productions and a variety of organizational and strategic valorization methods. But those patterns are not sufficient to explain what we observed in the field. We observed also another form of reference to location of these productions than only the reference to tradition. From there, in addition to the analysis of the organizational diversity of valorization methods of local food production in Drôme, the characterization of a new form of reference to location of production we spotted is the main issue of this research. To analyze the organizational and symbolic diversity, we conceptualize the valorization methods as systems of domination (in the sense of Max Weber). Indeed, the system and the strategy of valorization are pointed out as well as the shape of the legitimacy on which the social significance of the production is expressed. In this framework, we analyzed six variations of localization types by reference to tradition and one emergent way of localizing productions. This last is assessed through the fact that productions are produced, processed and sold locally by small local farmers, often neo-rural, according to production knowledge and expertise, processing and selling organization built through sharing and selling networks constructed among these farmers. These networks, either formal or informal, are either created through agricultural associations, or either were built autonomously. In this framework, each farmer aims to produce and sell, but also to “build a community” while keeping its independence from peers and institutional actors. Therefore, these farmers, through their relationships to the production and to their community, induce the emergence of knowledge and know-how rooted in “here and now” cultural bedrock crystallized in the representation of the small local farmer

Situé entre le VIIe et le XVIe siècle de notre ère, le phénomène mégalithique sénégambien est contemporain de l'émergence et du développement de grandes entités politiques tels que le Ghâna, le Tekrûr et le Mâli. Depuis les années 1970, les recherches archéologiques menées sur les architectures mégalithiques du Sénégal et de Gambie contribuent à mettre en avant une riche culture matérielle se présentant notamment sous la forme de poteries entières, parfois déposées en façade orientale des monuments, et d'un abondant mobilier fragmenté. Toutefois, le manque de contextes stratifiées constitua longtemps un obstacle à la compréhension de ces productions céramiques en diachronie. Or, depuis 2005, les fouilles archéologiques conduites sur la nécropole de Wanar (Sénégal) (dir. L. Laporte et H. Bocoum) révèlent des contextes soigneusement renseignés, permettant de situer le mobilier céramique par rapport aux séquences architecturales et funéraires propres à chaque monument. Ces données nouvelles constituent le cadre de référence de notre étude céramique. Afin d'appréhender au mieux la diversité des productions céramiques liées à ces architectures funéraires, nous avons choisi d'adopter une approche croisée du mobilier céramique. Celle-ci combine l'étude des répertoires morphologiques, des motifs et des techniques décoratives et, finalement des chaines opératoires de façonnage. La périodisation obtenue pour la nécropole de Wanar sert ici de fondement à l'établissement d'une périodisation générale des productions céramiques, valable pour l'ensemble de l'aire mégalithique sénégambienne. Cette séquence souligne notamment l'abandon progressif des poteries adaptables en couvercle, à vocation funéraire, pour des exemplaires incompatibles avec cette fonction, à vocation commémorative. Ces changements trouvent un écho particulier dans les contextes archéologiques et ethnographiques de l'Afrique de l'ouest aux Ier et IIe millénaires de notre ère. / Located between the 7th and the 16th century AD, the Senegambian megalithic phenomenon is contemporary with the emergence and development of large political entities such as Ghàna, Tekrûr and Mâli. Since the 1970's, archaeological research carried out on the megalithic architectures of Senegal and Gambia has contributed ta highlighting a rich material culture, notably in the form of whole pottery, sometimes deposited on the eastern facades of the monuments, and an abundant fragmented furniture. However, the lack of stratified contexts was for a long time an obstacle to the understanding of these ceramics productions in diachrony. However, since 2005, archaeological excavations conducted on the necropolis of Wanar (Senegal) (directed by L. Laporte and H. Bocoum) reveal carefully informed contexts, allowing to locale the ceramic furniture in relation to the architectural and funerary sequences specific to each monument. These new data constitute the frame of reference of our ceramic study. ln order to better understand the diversity of ceramic productions related to these funerary architectures, we chose to adopt a cross-approach of ceramic furniture. This combines the study of morphological repertoires, motifs and decorative techniques, and finally shaping operating chains. The periodization obtained for the Wanar necropolis serves here as the basis for the establishment of a general periodization of ceramic productions, valid for the whole megalithic area of Senegambia. This sequence highlights the progressive abandonment of pottery adaptable as lids, used in funerary contexts, for new vessels incompatible with this lid function. ln this case, pottery adopts a commemorative role. These changes find particular resonance in the archaeological and ethnographic contexts of West Africa in the 1st and 2nd millennia of our era.