Den här rapporten beskriver mitt utvecklingsarbete med elevers loggboksskrivande inom två kurser på Restaurang, bar och vin utbildning på Studium Restaurang & Bageri i Göteborg.  Idén till utvecklingsarbetet fick jag när jag märkte att elever upplevde att de fick för dålig feedback och inte riktigt förstod vad de skulle göra för att lyckas uppnå betygskriterierna inom två kurser. Syftet med mitt utvecklingsarbete är ta fram en loggbok och att undersöka om loggboksskrivande kan skapa en ökad kommunikation mellan lärare och lärare och elever. Första steget i utvecklingsarbetet blev att skapa och implementera loggböcker i två kurser. Resultatet blev att eleverna upplevde loggboken mycket positivt. Eleverna tyckte att loggböckerna blev ett naturligt verktyg för dem att se sin kunskapsutveckling och föra en kontinuerlig kommunikation med mig och min kollega som var deras undervisande lärare. Slutsatsen är att arbetet med loggboken ger en bättre överblick över elevens utveckling. Loggboken visar elevens delaktighet samt fungerar som en viktig kommunikationskanal mellan lärare och elev. Genom arbetet med loggboken dokumenterar eleverna sin egen kunskapsutveckling och kan via lärarens återkoppling se hur de ska kunna ta nästa steg. Slutsatsen är att loggboken ger eleverna chansen att öka sin påverkan på studierna och målen samt att lärarens återkoppling har stor inverkan på eleverna. Genom arbetet med loggboken har vi lärare också fått ett bra verktyg för att kunna utveckla vår undervisning. / This report demonstrates my research on how students may improve their progress in course with the help of journal writing. I have based my research on two courses within the Restaurant, bar and wine program at Studium Hospitality & Bakery in Gothenburg. I came up with the idea for the research when I noticed how the students experienced little to no feedback and didn´t really understand what they should do to excel in their courses. The purpose of the research is to develop a practical and easy-to-work journal and to find out if journal writing can improve the communication between teachers and teacher students. To achieve this I implemented a journal in two courses. The feedback from the students was positive. They thought the journals quickly became a natural tool to be able to see their own progress and also, they were able to have an ongoing interaction between teacher and student. In conclusion the journal has given a better overview of the progress a student makes during the course. The journal works as a tool to oversee attendance and it is also an important communication channel between student and teacher. Through the work with the journal the students document their own progression within the course, hence will be able to detect the next step of their development. The journal gives the students the opportunity to discuss which elements of the course have been critical to reach increased progression.  It has also given the teachers an important tool to develop their teaching.

Sammanfattning Studien syftar till att ge fördjupad kunskap om svenskt internationellt biståndsarbete samt hur problem formuleras och lösningar konstrueras av biståndsorganisationernas arbetsätt.  Studien är genomförd med en kvalitativ metod och det empiriska materialet har inhämtats genom intervjuer. Intervjuerna genomfördes med tre ledande personer från två svenska biståndsorganisationer som arbetar på internationell nivå. Vidare inryms i studien observationer från dessa två biståndsorganisationer. Studiens teoretiska perspektiv är den postkoloniala teorin, teorin om konstruktion av sociala problem samt begreppen kolonialism och eurocentrisk diffusion. Resultatet i studien visar att de studerade biståndsorganisationerna i stora drag har ett liknande tillvägagångssätt i sitt arbete med internationellt bistånd. De arbetar utifrån att ha en stödjande roll gentemot mottagarna av biståndet så att mottagarna kan definiera sina behov och vara aktiva i lösningarna tillsammans med de svenska biståndsorganisationerna.  Samtidigt agerar de kontrollerande gällande huruvida biståndsorganisationernas egna visioner och värderingar ska vara styrande i utformningen av hjälparbetet.   De svenska biståndsorganisationernas mål är att kunskapsbilda, medvetandegöra och ombilda befintliga lokala organisationer för att förbättra människors levnadsvillkor till det bättre i utsatta länder. För att detta ska vara möjligt är det avgörande att samarbeta med lokala organisationer som är likasinnade med de svenska biståndsorganisationerna.  Studien påvisar att det finns en idé om att påverka mottagarna av biståndet genom eftersträvan av att de ska anamma de svenska biståndsgivarnas egna visioner och värderingar. Detta framkommer tydligt genom de svenska biståndsorganisationernas arbetsätt samt deras delaktighet vid formuleringar av problem och konstruktioner av lösningar hos biståndsmottagarna. Vidare framkommer att biståndsorganisationernas kunskapsgivande och ombildning av lokala organisationer bidrar med att västerländsk kunskapssyn sprids ut i världen. / The study aims to provide profound knowledge of Swedish international aid work and how problems are formulated and solutions designed by aid organizations working methods. The study is conducted using a qualitative approach and the empirical material has been collected through interviews and observations. The interviews took place with three leading figures from two Swedish aid organizations working at international level. Furthermore, are observations from these two aid organizations part of the studies method. The studies theoretical perspective is the post-colonial theory, the theory of constructions of social problems and the concept of colonialism and eurocentrism diffusion. The result of the study shows that the studied organizations have broadly similar procedures in their work with international aid work. The organizations work on a paradoxical basis. On the one hand they have a supporting role to the recipients of aid so that the recipients can define their own needs and be active in the solutions along with swedish aid organizations. On the other hand, the organizations acts controlling where their own vision and values are guiding the relief effort. The swedish aid organizations aim is to educate, raise awareness and transform existing organizations in the countries they operate in order to improve people's lives for the better in vulnerable countries around the world.  For achieving this purpose, it is crucial for them to work with local organizations that are like-minded the swedish aid organizations.  This study shows that there is an idea to affect the recipients of aid in pursuing them to embrace the Swedish donors' own visions and values. This is clearly shown by the Swedish aid organizations working methods as well as their involvement in the formulation of problems and constructions of solutions of aid recipients. Furthermore, it appears that the aid organizations' knowledge rewarding and transformation of local organizations contribute to Western conception of knowledge spread out in the world.

Neste corpascrever, meu argumento é o de que levar a sério o problema da naturalização da violência estrutural confere uma (re)nova(da) perspectiva sobre processos de politização de diferenças. Ao inquirir acerca das precondições para a geração de enquadramentos não hegemônicos em contextos marcados por violências estruturais, proponho a reconceitualização dos projetos de politização de diferenças enquanto defesa de processos de autodeterminação cole(a)tiva. Essa tese é defendida em três movimentos interdependentes: (3) por meio de reflexões filosófico-epistemológico-poéticas sobre a relevância da espacialização cole(a)tiva para a experiência da temporalidade; (2) por meio de considerações teóricopolíticas sobre a relação entre o problema do essencialismo e a possibilidade de agência cole(a)tiva subversiva; bem como (1) por meio do vislumbre da con-figur-ação do processo de (r)existência dos povos munduruku e ribeirinho à construção de barragens no Médio Tapajós. Conforme sugiro, a politização de diferenças, sob o proposto viés, apresenta-se como condição sine qua non para viabilizar a apreensão do modus operandi de violências estruturais, uma vez que apenas movimentos (pro)positivos cole(a)tivos permitem a emergência de imagens capazes de colocar a norma hegemônica fundamentalmente em xeque, de modo a transcender os limites inerentes a posturas exclusivamente reativas, co-movendo no sentido da reestruturação do mundo. / In this writingbody, I exam in depth the problem of naturalization of structural violence in order to argue for a (re)new(ed) perspective on the politicization of differences. I suggest a reconceptualization of the politicization of differences as a defense of colle(a)ctive selfdetermination processes through an investigation about the preconditions for the generation of non-hegemonic frames in contexts ruled by structural violence. This thesis is undertaken in three interdependent movements: (3) a philosophical-epistemological-poetical reflexion on the relevance of colle(a)ctive spatialization processes for the experience of temporality; (2) a political-theorical consideration on the relationship between the problem of essentialism and the possibility of subversive colle(a)ctive agency; and (1) a perspective on the con-figura( c)tion of the Munduruku and the riverside peoples (r)existence process to the construction of dams in Middle Tapajós region. I argue that the politicization of differences is conditio sine qua non in order to enable the denaturalization of structural violence, as only (pro)positional colle(a)ctive movements transcend the limits of merely reactive positions, enabling the emergency of images that can call the hegemonic rule into question and, therefore, initiate processes of structural trans-formation.

Neste corpascrever, meu argumento é o de que levar a sério o problema da naturalização da violência estrutural confere uma (re)nova(da) perspectiva sobre processos de politização de diferenças. Ao inquirir acerca das precondições para a geração de enquadramentos não hegemônicos em contextos marcados por violências estruturais, proponho a reconceitualização dos projetos de politização de diferenças enquanto defesa de processos de autodeterminação cole(a)tiva. Essa tese é defendida em três movimentos interdependentes: (3) por meio de reflexões filosófico-epistemológico-poéticas sobre a relevância da espacialização cole(a)tiva para a experiência da temporalidade; (2) por meio de considerações teóricopolíticas sobre a relação entre o problema do essencialismo e a possibilidade de agência cole(a)tiva subversiva; bem como (1) por meio do vislumbre da con-figur-ação do processo de (r)existência dos povos munduruku e ribeirinho à construção de barragens no Médio Tapajós. Conforme sugiro, a politização de diferenças, sob o proposto viés, apresenta-se como condição sine qua non para viabilizar a apreensão do modus operandi de violências estruturais, uma vez que apenas movimentos (pro)positivos cole(a)tivos permitem a emergência de imagens capazes de colocar a norma hegemônica fundamentalmente em xeque, de modo a transcender os limites inerentes a posturas exclusivamente reativas, co-movendo no sentido da reestruturação do mundo. / In this writingbody, I exam in depth the problem of naturalization of structural violence in order to argue for a (re)new(ed) perspective on the politicization of differences. I suggest a reconceptualization of the politicization of differences as a defense of colle(a)ctive selfdetermination processes through an investigation about the preconditions for the generation of non-hegemonic frames in contexts ruled by structural violence. This thesis is undertaken in three interdependent movements: (3) a philosophical-epistemological-poetical reflexion on the relevance of colle(a)ctive spatialization processes for the experience of temporality; (2) a political-theorical consideration on the relationship between the problem of essentialism and the possibility of subversive colle(a)ctive agency; and (1) a perspective on the con-figura( c)tion of the Munduruku and the riverside peoples (r)existence process to the construction of dams in Middle Tapajós region. I argue that the politicization of differences is conditio sine qua non in order to enable the denaturalization of structural violence, as only (pro)positional colle(a)ctive movements transcend the limits of merely reactive positions, enabling the emergency of images that can call the hegemonic rule into question and, therefore, initiate processes of structural trans-formation.