Master of Arts - International Relations / Research has consistently demonstrated that due to stratified socio-economic inequalities and gender-based disadvantages women from low-income countries and Heavily Indebted Poor Countries (HIPCs) specifically, experience extreme impacts from poverty. Such feminization of poverty has been accentuated, especially in Africa, by the spiraling debt crisis and high levels of absolute poverty, which intersect and interact with gender-biases and macro and micro dimensions of international development assistance. In particular, the negative impacts and limited success of structural adjustment programs (SAPs) have contributed to women’s further disempowerment and marginalisation, through the cutbacks they conditionally prescribe for budgetary allocations in the social sectors. To address these shortcomings, the World Bank and International Monetary Fund (IMF) launched the HIPC Debt Relief Initiative in 1996 which was subsequently enhanced in 1999. The HIPC Debt Relief Initiative has been introduced as a coherent strategy for assisting the economic development of poor countries linking debt relief funds to the reduction of extreme levels of poverty. A key element of the HIPC initiative is the required participation of all social groups and stakeholders in the activities and processes of national development and poverty eradication strategies. By undertaking a gender analysis of the Uganda PRSP/PEAP, this dissertation examines the extent to which participatory processes have included women and gender concerns within the PRSP framework of intervention. Such examination and analysis has involved the application of a comprehensive Gender and Development (GAD) analytical framework, focused on the empowerment approach. The initial findings indicate that although specific gender concerns continue to be neglected within the Uganda PRSP document, nevertheless the participatory process allowed the space for voices, especially women’s voices, previously silent and invisible, to be heard within the corridors of power. The study concludes that there exists within the PRSP framework, spaces for more effective gender integration due to the inbuilt flexibility of the process, and the broadening of the consultative process through the ongoing revision of PEAP/PRSP policy. Additionally, there is the continuous monitoring, assessment and evaluation of the impacts generated by the country’s poverty reduction plan and associated budgetary allocations. The analysis of the extent to which gender has been mainstreamed in the PRSP process has yielded outcomes and lessons that can be built upon for the attainment of equitable and sustainable development in HIPCs in Africa.

<p>För många fattiga länder, främst i Afrika, har det blivit uppenbart att skuldbördan har utvecklats till en skuldfälla som är mer eller mindre omöjlig att ta sig ur. 1996 presenterade Internationella Valutafonden (IMF) och Världsbanken HIPC-initiativet; Highly Indebted Poor Countries, som är en strategi för hur skuldbördan för världens fattigaste länder skulle kunna skrivas ner till en mer hanterbar nivå. Initiativet kan sägas ha vuxit fram ur den kritik som IMF och Världsbanken har fått för tidigare skuldlättnadsstrategier. Samtidigt presenterades en strategi för fattigdomsbekämpning; eng. Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS). Målet är att de resurser som frigörs i och med skuldavskrivningarna ska komma de fattigaste till del.</p><p>Syftet med denna uppsats är att föra en teoretisk och en empirisk diskussion kring effekterna av en skuldlättnad på fattigdomen, inom ramen för HIPC II. Dessutom är avsikten att föra en diskussion kring hur detta initiativ kan förbättras med utgångspunkt från de fattiga i samhället.</p><p>En stor skuldbörda utgör ett hinder för fattigdomen men huruvida en reducering av skulden leder till att fattigdomen minskar är avhängigt den politiska viljan i landet. På samma sätt är resultatet av landets PRS avhängig den politiska viljan. Oberoende av den politiska viljan i landet öppnar HIPC för en dialog i landet mellan regeringen och det civila samhället vilket främjar demokratiseringen och således fattigdomsbekämpningen.</p><p>I uppsatsen presenteras välfärdsfaktorn som är den andel av statens intäkter som med nödvändighet måste ägnas åt att garantera befolkningens livsuppehälle och inte kan användas till att reglera ekonomiska förpliktelser mot utlandet. Välfärdsfaktorn beror på den politiska viljan i landet, som i sin tur har sin grund i demokratins mognad. Med teorin om välfärdsfaktorn som grund presenteras följande förslag till förändringar av HIPC II: För att garantera att fattigdomsbekämpningen fokuserar på de allra fattigaste i samhället kan PRS kopplas till välfärdsfaktorn. Vidare bör skuldavskrivningar justeras med hänsyn till externa faktorer för att inte effekterna av välfärdsfaktorn ska undermineras. Välfärdsfaktorns effekter riskerar dessutom att gå förlorade om inte incitament för demokratiseringen skapas i länder med svag politisk vilja. För att komma till rätta med denna problematik kan en fond inrättas där resurser från skuldavskrivningar ackumuleras. Fonden blir tillgänglig för landet då en demokratisk regering tillträder.</p>

<p>Denna uppsats behandlar två olika strategier för hur skuldproblematiken, som idag är utbredd</p><p>i många u-länder, ska kunna lösas. Världsbankens och IMFs strukturanpassningsprogram</p><p>(SAP), med dess tyngd på makroekonomisk stabilitet, beskrivs och analyseras. En slutsats är</p><p>att SAP inte löst skuldproblematiken och att de dessutom medfört ett antal allvarligt negativa</p><p>sidoeffekter som påverkat mottagarländernas kapacitet för framtida utveckling. För att råda</p><p>bot på detta har initiativ lett fram till att varje land ska utforma en egen utvecklingsstrategi</p><p>(PRSP), för att uppnå bättre resultat. PRSPs ligger till grund för budgetstöd som diskuteras i</p><p>uppsatsen och som är ett bidrag som går rakt in i mottagarlandets statsbudget. Trots vikt på</p><p>PRSPs ligger än idag mycket makt kvar hos Världsbanken och IMF, och mottagarländerna</p><p>uppvisar inte tillräckligt ägarskap.</p>

Denna uppsats behandlar två olika strategier för hur skuldproblematiken, som idag är utbredd i många u-länder, ska kunna lösas. Världsbankens och IMFs strukturanpassningsprogram (SAP), med dess tyngd på makroekonomisk stabilitet, beskrivs och analyseras. En slutsats är att SAP inte löst skuldproblematiken och att de dessutom medfört ett antal allvarligt negativa sidoeffekter som påverkat mottagarländernas kapacitet för framtida utveckling. För att råda bot på detta har initiativ lett fram till att varje land ska utforma en egen utvecklingsstrategi (PRSP), för att uppnå bättre resultat. PRSPs ligger till grund för budgetstöd som diskuteras i uppsatsen och som är ett bidrag som går rakt in i mottagarlandets statsbudget. Trots vikt på PRSPs ligger än idag mycket makt kvar hos Världsbanken och IMF, och mottagarländerna uppvisar inte tillräckligt ägarskap.

För många fattiga länder, främst i Afrika, har det blivit uppenbart att skuldbördan har utvecklats till en skuldfälla som är mer eller mindre omöjlig att ta sig ur. 1996 presenterade Internationella Valutafonden (IMF) och Världsbanken HIPC-initiativet; Highly Indebted Poor Countries, som är en strategi för hur skuldbördan för världens fattigaste länder skulle kunna skrivas ner till en mer hanterbar nivå. Initiativet kan sägas ha vuxit fram ur den kritik som IMF och Världsbanken har fått för tidigare skuldlättnadsstrategier. Samtidigt presenterades en strategi för fattigdomsbekämpning; eng. Poverty Reduction Strategy (PRS). Målet är att de resurser som frigörs i och med skuldavskrivningarna ska komma de fattigaste till del. Syftet med denna uppsats är att föra en teoretisk och en empirisk diskussion kring effekterna av en skuldlättnad på fattigdomen, inom ramen för HIPC II. Dessutom är avsikten att föra en diskussion kring hur detta initiativ kan förbättras med utgångspunkt från de fattiga i samhället. En stor skuldbörda utgör ett hinder för fattigdomen men huruvida en reducering av skulden leder till att fattigdomen minskar är avhängigt den politiska viljan i landet. På samma sätt är resultatet av landets PRS avhängig den politiska viljan. Oberoende av den politiska viljan i landet öppnar HIPC för en dialog i landet mellan regeringen och det civila samhället vilket främjar demokratiseringen och således fattigdomsbekämpningen. I uppsatsen presenteras välfärdsfaktorn som är den andel av statens intäkter som med nödvändighet måste ägnas åt att garantera befolkningens livsuppehälle och inte kan användas till att reglera ekonomiska förpliktelser mot utlandet. Välfärdsfaktorn beror på den politiska viljan i landet, som i sin tur har sin grund i demokratins mognad. Med teorin om välfärdsfaktorn som grund presenteras följande förslag till förändringar av HIPC II: För att garantera att fattigdomsbekämpningen fokuserar på de allra fattigaste i samhället kan PRS kopplas till välfärdsfaktorn. Vidare bör skuldavskrivningar justeras med hänsyn till externa faktorer för att inte effekterna av välfärdsfaktorn ska undermineras. Välfärdsfaktorns effekter riskerar dessutom att gå förlorade om inte incitament för demokratiseringen skapas i länder med svag politisk vilja. För att komma till rätta med denna problematik kan en fond inrättas där resurser från skuldavskrivningar ackumuleras. Fonden blir tillgänglig för landet då en demokratisk regering tillträder.

Ghana’s government implemented the following World Bank programmes: SAP and PRSP. This thesis shows that SAP and PRSP have impacted Ghana in different ways. Sometimes SAP and PRSP worked. Other times both SAP and PRSP had problems and they did not work. SAP created more negative impacts or problems in Ghana than PRSP. The influence of neoliberalism on Ghana’s SAP cannot be ignored. This is because the tenets of neoliberalism include the withdrawal of government subsidies, high productivity, the cutting down of government expenditures or spending and privatization. The withdrawal of government subsidy was seen in the Education and Health sectors of Ghana. In the Education sector under SAP, the government cut down its subsidy to the Ghana Education Service. Then it introduced a programme called “Cost Sharing” in which students and their parents were asked to contribute to the payment of expenditures in providing education in Ghana. Many parents could not afford it, and this led to many school dropouts and a gap in the education of boys and girls. In the health sector, the Ghanaian government cut down its subsidy under SAP. It introduced the “Cash and Carry System,” in which Ghanaians were asked to contribute to the cost of health delivery services. This became a problem for many. Healthcare services became inaccessible for many Ghanaians as well. In the manufacturing sector, under SAP, the rate of productivity fell. Ghana’s products in the world market experienced volatility or fluctuations in prices. In the mining sector the influence of neoliberalism was on privatization. Based on this principle, the government privatized Ghana’s mining sector. It put in place policies that attracted investments into Ghana to do mining. These mining activities contributed significantly to Ghana’s economy. But these mining activities also caused the problem of dislocation of people, loss of farmlands, along with environmental and health problems. SAP had more negative impacts on Ghana. PRSP also impacted Ghana because it attempted to address the problems SAP created in many sectors, including Education, Health, mining, manufacturing sectors. I conclude by saying that although SAP made some contributions to Ghana’s economy especially in the mining sector, it created more problems in the Education, Health, Mining and Manufacturing sectors. PRSP attempted to address them. Thus it cannot be said that both SAP and PRSP impacted Ghana equally in a more positive way. But rather it can said that (1) SAP created more problems in Ghana and PRSP on the other hand attempted to address them.(2)The later developments taking place indicate that the civil society participation in PRSP is having an impact in Ghana.

Pourquoi, comment et quand y a-t-il changement institutionnel et politique en Afrique ? En examinant les stratégies de développement économique de l’Afrique postcoloniale et en s’intéressant à l’évolution du rôle de l’État – État comme acteur central du développement, tentative du retrait de l’État, interventionnisme limité au social, retour de l’État dans la sphère économique –, la présente thèse se propose d’expliquer le changement sous l’angle original des innovations politiques et institutionnelles. En effet, derrière l’apparente continuité que la plupart des auteurs tant analytiques que normatifs fustigent, il se produit des innovations dont nous proposons de rendre compte par le biais des variables idéationnelles, stratégiques, temporelles et institutionnelles. Cette thèse propose ainsi une analyse comparative inédite du rôle des acteurs nationaux (élites, États, administrations publiques du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo), des institutions internationales (FMI, Banque mondiale, ONU) et des organisations d’intégration régionale (Union africaine, NEPAD) dans l’émergence et les trajectoires des stratégies de développement en Afrique. Les contextes temporels favorables, les crises des modèles précédents, les configurations et héritages institutionnels structurants, les stratégies instrumentales des acteurs intéressés, l’apprentissage politique, les dimensions cognitives et normatives des idées permettent d’expliquer la diffusion, la sédimentation et la conversion institutionnelles comme processus privilégiés d’innovation en Afrique. La critique de ces concepts permet de développer des outils mieux adaptés pour expliquer certaines innovations, soit l’inclusion et l’intrusion institutionnelles. L’inclusion institutionnelle est un processus mi-stratégique et mi-idéationnel à travers lequel les acteurs nationaux ou régionaux incluent intentionnellement des stratégies (ou solutions) internationales déjà existantes dans une nouvelle institution ou politique dans le but d’accroître la probabilité d’acceptation (reconnaissance, convenance sociale, partage réel ou supposé des mêmes valeurs) ou de succès (pour faire valoir les intérêts) de cette dernière dans un environnement politique structuré. Les idées sont constitutives des intérêts dans ce processus. L’intrusion institutionnelle renvoie à un processus mi-stratégique et mi-structurel par lequel les acteurs nationaux se font relativement imposer de nouvelles institutions ou politiques qu’ils n’acceptent qu’en raison de l’asymétrie de pouvoir, de la contrainte structurelle (structure), ou des gains escomptés (stratégies) des acteurs internationaux, alors que des solutions de rechange pertinentes et non contraignantes sont quasi inexistantes. Ceci n’exclut pas l’existence d’une marge de manœuvre des acteurs nationaux. Inspirés de spécialistes comme Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol et Paul Pierson, ces concepts d’intrusion et d’inclusion institutionnelles que nous proposons réconcilient des approches parfois jugées contradictoires en intégrant les dimensions stratégiques, institutionnelles, historiques et idéationnelles à l’analyse d’un même objet scientifique. Au niveau empirique, la présente thèse permet d’avoir une meilleure compréhension des processus d’émergence des stratégies de développement économique en Afrique, ainsi qu’une meilleure connaissance des relations entre les acteurs internationaux, régionaux et nationaux en ce qui concerne l’émergence et le développement des institutions et des politiques publiques relatives au développement. Une attention particulière est accordée à la dynamique entre différents acteurs et variables (idées, intérêts, institution, temps) pour expliquer les principales stratégies des trois dernières décennies : les stratégies nationales de développement du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo, le Plan d’action de Lagos, les programmes d’ajustement structurel, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l’Afrique, les Documents de stratégie pour la réduction de la pauvreté et certaines interventions du Fonds monétaire international, de Banque mondiale et de l’ONU. En s’intéressant à la question de l’innovation délaissée à tort par la plupart des analyses sérieuses, la présente thèse renouvelle la discussion sur le changement et l’innovation politiques et institutionnels en Afrique et en science politique. / Why, how and when does institutional or political change occur in Africa? By examining the postcolonial African strategies for economic development, and focusing on the evolution of the role of the State—the State as the central actor for development, the attempt to retrench the State, limited interventionism, the return of the State to the economic arena—the present thesis proposes an explanation of institutional change with a special focus on political and institutional innovations. In fact, behind the apparent continuity that most analytical and normative authors critique, there are innovations that the ideational, strategic, temporal and institutional variables allow us to demonstrate in a heuristic manner. This thesis thus proposes a new comparative analysis of the role of African public institutions (elites, States, public administration: Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Benin, Congo, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Togo, Senegal), international institutions (the IMF, the World Bank, the UNO) and regional organizations (the African Union, the NEPAD) in the emergence and the trajectories of development strategies in Africa. The favorable temporal contexts, the crises of the preceding models, the structuring configurations and institutional heritage, the instrumental strategies of the interested actors, the political learning, the cognitive and normative dimensions of the ideas contribute to explaining the diffusion and institutional sedimentation and conversion as privileged processes of innovation in Africa. The critique of these concepts makes it possible to develop tools better adapted to explain institutional inclusion and intrusion. Institutional inclusion is a semi-strategic and semi-ideational process through which national or regional actors intentionally include (international) strategies (or solutions) that already exist in a new institution or policy with the aim of increasing the probability of acceptance (recognition, social suitability, real or perceived common values) or success (to ensure their interests) of their strategy within a structured political environment. The ideas are constitutive of the interests in this process. The institutional intrusion is a semi-strategic and semi-structural process by which national actors are partly forced to adopt new institutions or policies, and agree to do so only because of the asymmetry in power, the structural constraints (structure), or the potential benefits (strategies) of the international actors. In this context, relevant and non-constraining alternatives are quasi inexistent, but national actors still have (limited) room for negotiations. Inspired by specialist like Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol, and Paul Pierson, the concepts of institutional intrusion and inclusion that we propose reconcile many approaches that many scholars considered contradictory. They successfully integrate strategic, structural, temporal and ideational variables to analyze the same scientific object. Empirically speaking, the present thesis explains the emergence of development strategies in Africa, as well as provides a better knowledge of the relationship between the international, regional and national actors in the process of emergence and development of institutions and public policies. A special attention is given to dynamics between numerous actors and variables (ideas, interests, institution, time) to explain the main strategies of the last three decades: national development strategies of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Ivory Coast, Congo, Senegal, Mali, Niger, Togo, the Lagos Plan of Action, the structural adjustment program, the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, the New Partnership for Africa Development and some interventions of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the United Nations. While being interested in the question of the international, regional and national innovations wrongly forsaken by most of the serious analyses, this dissertation renews the discussion on change, especially political and institutional innovation in Africa, within the international organizations (the IMF, the World Bank, and the United Nations) and in Political Science.

Pourquoi, comment et quand y a-t-il changement institutionnel et politique en Afrique ? En examinant les stratégies de développement économique de l’Afrique postcoloniale et en s’intéressant à l’évolution du rôle de l’État – État comme acteur central du développement, tentative du retrait de l’État, interventionnisme limité au social, retour de l’État dans la sphère économique –, la présente thèse se propose d’expliquer le changement sous l’angle original des innovations politiques et institutionnelles. En effet, derrière l’apparente continuité que la plupart des auteurs tant analytiques que normatifs fustigent, il se produit des innovations dont nous proposons de rendre compte par le biais des variables idéationnelles, stratégiques, temporelles et institutionnelles. Cette thèse propose ainsi une analyse comparative inédite du rôle des acteurs nationaux (élites, États, administrations publiques du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo), des institutions internationales (FMI, Banque mondiale, ONU) et des organisations d’intégration régionale (Union africaine, NEPAD) dans l’émergence et les trajectoires des stratégies de développement en Afrique. Les contextes temporels favorables, les crises des modèles précédents, les configurations et héritages institutionnels structurants, les stratégies instrumentales des acteurs intéressés, l’apprentissage politique, les dimensions cognitives et normatives des idées permettent d’expliquer la diffusion, la sédimentation et la conversion institutionnelles comme processus privilégiés d’innovation en Afrique. La critique de ces concepts permet de développer des outils mieux adaptés pour expliquer certaines innovations, soit l’inclusion et l’intrusion institutionnelles. L’inclusion institutionnelle est un processus mi-stratégique et mi-idéationnel à travers lequel les acteurs nationaux ou régionaux incluent intentionnellement des stratégies (ou solutions) internationales déjà existantes dans une nouvelle institution ou politique dans le but d’accroître la probabilité d’acceptation (reconnaissance, convenance sociale, partage réel ou supposé des mêmes valeurs) ou de succès (pour faire valoir les intérêts) de cette dernière dans un environnement politique structuré. Les idées sont constitutives des intérêts dans ce processus. L’intrusion institutionnelle renvoie à un processus mi-stratégique et mi-structurel par lequel les acteurs nationaux se font relativement imposer de nouvelles institutions ou politiques qu’ils n’acceptent qu’en raison de l’asymétrie de pouvoir, de la contrainte structurelle (structure), ou des gains escomptés (stratégies) des acteurs internationaux, alors que des solutions de rechange pertinentes et non contraignantes sont quasi inexistantes. Ceci n’exclut pas l’existence d’une marge de manœuvre des acteurs nationaux. Inspirés de spécialistes comme Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol et Paul Pierson, ces concepts d’intrusion et d’inclusion institutionnelles que nous proposons réconcilient des approches parfois jugées contradictoires en intégrant les dimensions stratégiques, institutionnelles, historiques et idéationnelles à l’analyse d’un même objet scientifique. Au niveau empirique, la présente thèse permet d’avoir une meilleure compréhension des processus d’émergence des stratégies de développement économique en Afrique, ainsi qu’une meilleure connaissance des relations entre les acteurs internationaux, régionaux et nationaux en ce qui concerne l’émergence et le développement des institutions et des politiques publiques relatives au développement. Une attention particulière est accordée à la dynamique entre différents acteurs et variables (idées, intérêts, institution, temps) pour expliquer les principales stratégies des trois dernières décennies : les stratégies nationales de développement du Bénin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Côte d’Ivoire, Congo, Sénégal, Mali, Niger, Togo, le Plan d’action de Lagos, les programmes d’ajustement structurel, le Nouveau Partenariat pour le Développement de l’Afrique, les Documents de stratégie pour la réduction de la pauvreté et certaines interventions du Fonds monétaire international, de Banque mondiale et de l’ONU. En s’intéressant à la question de l’innovation délaissée à tort par la plupart des analyses sérieuses, la présente thèse renouvelle la discussion sur le changement et l’innovation politiques et institutionnels en Afrique et en science politique. / Why, how and when does institutional or political change occur in Africa? By examining the postcolonial African strategies for economic development, and focusing on the evolution of the role of the State—the State as the central actor for development, the attempt to retrench the State, limited interventionism, the return of the State to the economic arena—the present thesis proposes an explanation of institutional change with a special focus on political and institutional innovations. In fact, behind the apparent continuity that most analytical and normative authors critique, there are innovations that the ideational, strategic, temporal and institutional variables allow us to demonstrate in a heuristic manner. This thesis thus proposes a new comparative analysis of the role of African public institutions (elites, States, public administration: Cameroon, Ivory Coast, Benin, Congo, Burkina Faso, Mali, Niger, Togo, Senegal), international institutions (the IMF, the World Bank, the UNO) and regional organizations (the African Union, the NEPAD) in the emergence and the trajectories of development strategies in Africa. The favorable temporal contexts, the crises of the preceding models, the structuring configurations and institutional heritage, the instrumental strategies of the interested actors, the political learning, the cognitive and normative dimensions of the ideas contribute to explaining the diffusion and institutional sedimentation and conversion as privileged processes of innovation in Africa. The critique of these concepts makes it possible to develop tools better adapted to explain institutional inclusion and intrusion. Institutional inclusion is a semi-strategic and semi-ideational process through which national or regional actors intentionally include (international) strategies (or solutions) that already exist in a new institution or policy with the aim of increasing the probability of acceptance (recognition, social suitability, real or perceived common values) or success (to ensure their interests) of their strategy within a structured political environment. The ideas are constitutive of the interests in this process. The institutional intrusion is a semi-strategic and semi-structural process by which national actors are partly forced to adopt new institutions or policies, and agree to do so only because of the asymmetry in power, the structural constraints (structure), or the potential benefits (strategies) of the international actors. In this context, relevant and non-constraining alternatives are quasi inexistent, but national actors still have (limited) room for negotiations. Inspired by specialist like Nicolas van de Walle, Kathleen Thelen, Robert Bates, Barry Weingast, Alexander Wendt, Peter Hall, Theda Skocpol, and Paul Pierson, the concepts of institutional intrusion and inclusion that we propose reconcile many approaches that many scholars considered contradictory. They successfully integrate strategic, structural, temporal and ideational variables to analyze the same scientific object. Empirically speaking, the present thesis explains the emergence of development strategies in Africa, as well as provides a better knowledge of the relationship between the international, regional and national actors in the process of emergence and development of institutions and public policies. A special attention is given to dynamics between numerous actors and variables (ideas, interests, institution, time) to explain the main strategies of the last three decades: national development strategies of Benin, Burkina Faso, Cameroun, Ivory Coast, Congo, Senegal, Mali, Niger, Togo, the Lagos Plan of Action, the structural adjustment program, the Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper, the New Partnership for Africa Development and some interventions of the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank and the United Nations. While being interested in the question of the international, regional and national innovations wrongly forsaken by most of the serious analyses, this dissertation renews the discussion on change, especially political and institutional innovation in Africa, within the international organizations (the IMF, the World Bank, and the United Nations) and in Political Science.

This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.

This thesis draws on David Harvey’s concept of “accumulation by dispossession” and an international political economy (IPE) approach centred on the institutional arrangements and power structures that privilege certain actors and values, in order to critique current capitalist practices of primitive accumulation by the global corporate extractive industry. The thesis examines how accumulation by dispossession by the global extractive industry is facilitated by the “free entry” or “free mining” principle. It does so by focusing on Canada as a leader in the global extractive industry and the spread of this country’s mining laws to other countries – in other words, the transnationalisation of norms in the global extractive industry – so as to maintain a consistent and familiar operating environment for Canadian extractive companies. The transnationalisation of norms is further promoted by key international institutions such as the World Bank, which is also the world’s largest development lender and also plays a key role in shaping the regulations that govern natural resource extraction. The thesis briefly investigates some Canadian examples of resource extraction projects, in order to demonstrate the weaknesses of Canadian mining laws, particularly the lack of protection of landowners’ rights under the free entry system and the subsequent need for “free, prior and informed consent” (FPIC). The thesis also considers some of the challenges to the adoption and implementation of the right to FPIC. These challenges include embedded institutional structures like the free entry mining system, international political economy (IPE) as shaped by international institutions and powerful corporations, as well as concerns regarding ‘local’ power structures or the legitimacy of representatives of communities affected by extractive projects. The thesis concludes that in order for Canada to be truly recognized as a leader in the global extractive industry, it must establish legal norms domestically to ensure that Canadian mining companies and residents can be held accountable when there is evidence of environmental and/or human rights violations associated with the activities of Canadian mining companies abroad. The thesis also concludes that Canada needs to address underlying structural issues such as the free entry mining system and implement FPIC, in order to curb “accumulation by dispossession” by the extractive industry, both domestically and abroad.