Workplace sexual harassment in Cote d'Ivoire has been documented as extensive and commonplace, yet in West African nations, sexual harassment is not well studied or understood. Specifically, little is known about whether intervention programs instituted by the Ivorian law under Act No.98-756 forbid sexual harassment are viewed by female workers as effective. Using Hendricks and Valasek's theory on gender mainstreaming as the foundation, the purpose of this study was to evaluate the perceptions of female workers in Cote d'Ivoire related the effectiveness of sexual harassment training programs. Data for this study were collected from 15 women who worked in public or nonprofit organizations in Cote d'Ivoire. Data were inductively coded and then subjected to a thematic analysis procedure. Key findings indicated that interviewees believed that exposure to sexual harassment in the workplace results in a loss of trust in the work environment and reductions in work productivity. Further, participants generally agreed that intervention programs are promising in terms of ameliorating the effects of sexual harassment and gender discrimination in the workplace. The positive social change implications stemming from this study include recommendations to local governments in Cote d'Ivoire to develop municipal ordinances that support the investigation and prosecution of workplace sexual harassment and individual organizations should design workplace policies to efficiently and effectively handle complaints of sexual harassment.

In the Peruvian Civil Code, there is a short Bookin which two fundamental legal institutionsare regulated: Prescription and cancellation of rights. A lot has been written and discussedabout them, from their judicial nature to theform in which they are legally drafted, sincetheir scope goes beyond the Civil Code.In the present article, the author presents some critical reflexions about certain topics related  to such institutions, to clarify  their application and understanding. / Dentro de nuestro Código Civil, existe un corto Libro en el que se tratan dos instituciones fundamentales para el Derecho: La prescripción y la caducidad. De ellas mucho se ha escrito ydiscutido, desde su naturaleza jurídica hastala forma en que están redactadas normati-vamente, ya que su alcance va más allá delCódigo Civil.En el presente artículo, la autora presenta algunas reflexiones críticas sobre temas puntuales tanto de la prescripción como de la caducidad, buscando esclarecer la aplicación y entendimiento de ambas instituciones.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-08-20T13:46:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Luis_Eduardo_Sandim_Benites_Dissetacao.pdf: 955885 bytes, checksum: 243b173fd728a61ef7fbcd06ebf54a21 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-05-11 / The framing of this study on the 1989 presidential elections was focused on the ideological speech construction of the candidates, Fernando Collor de Mello and Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva during the campaigning period between the first and the second election polis. The research was conducted after the observation of the pre-election political programs exhibited during the carge-free TV prime-time political features, which material was obtained from the DOXA IUPERJ (The Institute and its Communication Laboratory), a department of the UCAM/RJ (Universidade Cândido Mendes Rio de Janeiro). Some documents on the proposais presented by candidates. Which were located in the Getúlio Vargas Foundation (CP.DOC/FGV) Research and Documentation Center archives were also investigated. Some additionar data was obtained from copies of the veja magazine issues of that period and also from the historical literature pertaining to the José Sarney presidential administration. Then we tried to cast out the status quo condition during which both ideological discourses emerged. The analysis of discourse categories elaborated within the context of Ernesto Laclau's, Chantal Mouffe's, and their follower' also served as an instrument for the appropriation of the researched political events that shone upon that period. Among the discourse analysis elements operated along this study, the antagonism and the logical differences and equivalences can be mentioned, i. e., those mechanisms that allow for the verification on how the candidates respective ideological speecheswere constructed along that timeline. A few academic papers on populism that helped us in the role of mentors to straighten our own research approach perspective can also be pinpointed. Paramount among these was the categorization of the concept, people , as its construction makes up for essential data on the articulation of the demands concept, in the sense of constitutive elements of a social environment that may influence the build-up of a political discourse whenever jointly worked upon / A construção do estudo que se desenvolveu sobre as eleições presidenciais de 1989 teve, por foco, a constituição dos discursos dos candidatos Fernando Collor de Mello e Luís Inácio Lula da Silva, no período eleitoral compreendido entre o primeiro e segundo turnos do embate eleitoral. O trabalho de pesquisa foi realizado pela observação dos programas políticos eleitorais, exibidos no horário político eleitoral gratuito, obtido junto ao DOXA do IUPERJ (Laboratório de Comunicação e Instituto) da UCAM/RJ (UNIVERSIDADE CANDIDO MENDES RIO DE JANEIRO). Tiveram-se, por material de investigação, alguns documentos de propostas formuladas pelos candidatos, localizados nos arquivos do Centro de Pesquisa e Documentação da Fundação Getúlio Vargas (CPDOC/FGV). Da mesma forma, alguns dados sobre o tema foram obtidos em edições do período em pesquisa, junto a edições da revista Veja e da literatura histórica sobre o governo de José Sarney. Desse modo, procurou-se elencar as condições do status quo na qual os discursos emergiram. As análises, a partir de categorias discursivas elaboradas no contexto da teoria de Ernesto Laclau e Chantal Mouffe, dentre outros seguidores, também serviram de instrumento de apropriação dos eventos políticos pesquisados, incidentes naquele espaço de tempo. Dentre os instrumentos de análise discursiva que operacionalizaram este estudo, encontram-se o antagonismo e as lógicas da diferença e equivalência, mecanismos que possibilitam uma verificação de como o discurso vem a ser construído ao longo daquele espaço temporal. Ainda se pôde destacar os trabalhos acadêmicos sobre populismo, como mentores das perspectivas de abordagem da pesquisa. Com destaque à categoria povo , sua construção é um dado essencial na compreensão deste fenômeno político. Enseja, ainda, a articulação de demandas, sentidos que, constitutivos de um meio social, podem resultar na formação de um discurso, quando trabalhados conjuntamente.

Thanks to Severan jurists’ testimonies collected in the Digest, we know that the appeal eligibility was conditioned by the «a quo» judge’s analysis of the respect of the prescribed terms and formalities and the nature of the contested measure. Against the possible refusal of the first instance judge, the parties were given the opportunity to take their case to the «ad quem» judge, who could confirm the decision and give way to the implementation of the judgment, or accept the part’s motion and proceed to the examination of the merits of the case. The Draft of the Model Civil Procedure Code for Ibero-America (texto del anteproyecto del Código Procesal Civil Modelo para Iberoamérica) follows, on the subject of appeal, Roman discipline faithfully, as regards both the «a quo» judge’s role and the possibility of contesting the latter’s decision before the «ad quem» judge through the complaint (recurso de queja). The strong Roman stamp also arises, similarly, in Peru’s Civil Procedure Code, where the right to a second court has a very incisive constitutional backing. The traditional problem to keep the justice process within reasonable time limits is closely connected with the appeal eligibility. The solution adopted by Roman Law —to take financial penalties to discourage daring appeals, filtering thus the merely delaying appeals— could represent an interesting indication for legislators, who are still grappling with the need to ensure the right, on the one hand, to appeal and to efficiency regarding the administration of justice on the other hand. / Gracias a los testimonios de los juristas de la época Severa, recogidos en el Digesto, sabemos que la admisibilidad de la apelación estaba condicionada a una revisión efectuada por el juez a quo, por lo que concernía al respeto de los plazos y de las formalidades prescritos y a la naturaleza de la resolución impugnada. Contra la eventual denegación del juez de primera instancia, las partes tenían la facultad de dirigirse al juez ad quem, quien podía confirmar la decisión y, por consiguiente, dar curso a la ejecución de la sentencia, o bien estimar el recurso de parte y proceder al examen de fondo de la cuestión. El texto del anteproyecto del Código Procesal Civil Modelo para Iberoamérica sigue la línea, en tema de apelación, de la disciplina romanística, tanto en lo que concierne al papel del juez a quo, como en lo que se refiere a la posibilidad de impugnar la decisión de este último ante el juez ad quem por medio del recurso de queja. Análogamente, la fuerte matriz romana emerge también en el Código Procesal Civil de Perú, país donde, por otra parte, el derecho al doble grado de jurisdicción hace alarde de una cobertura constitucional muy penetrante. Tradicionalmente, el problema de contener los tiempos de la justicia dentro de plazos aceptables se presenta estrictamente relacionado con el tema de la admisibilidad de la apelación. La solución adoptada por el derecho romano recurrir a medidas sancionatorias de naturaleza pecuniaria para desincentivar la interposición de apelaciones temerarias, de manera que se filtren las impugnaciones meramente dilatorias— podría representar un punto de partida interesante y una útil sugerencia para los legisladores, que también hoy en día se enfrentan a la necesidad de garantizar el derecho, por un lado a apelar y, por otro, a una administración eficiente de la justicia.

The Covid-19 pandemic and the Swedish strategy when dealing with the crisis, have shown that a status quo bias can be highly damaging for bioethical decision-making. The pandemic presented a situation of high levels of uncertainties, where incomparable values such as health and freedom, were being put against each other. Because of this, mathematically oriented utility calculations or maximin principles such as the Precautionary Principle, recommended by the Swedish Corona-Commission, were not applicable. This I conclude since the Precautionary Principle cannot be applied when the outcomes of different alternatives are not comparable in value-terms. To answer the question of what signifies good bioethical decisionmaking during a crisis, risk and uncertainties I therefore present a five-step Crisis Checklist intended to give an overview of what a bioethical decision should entail. / Covid-19 pandemin, och den svenska strategin för att hantera krisen, har visat att ett status quo bias kan vara mycket skadligt för bioetiskt beslutsfattande. Pandemin utgjorde en situation med höga nivåer av osäkerhet, där ojämförbara värden så som hälsa och frihet ställdes mot varandra. På grund av detta var matematiskt orienterade nyttoberäkningar eller maximin principer så som Försiktighetsprincipen, rekommenderad av den svenska Coronakommissionen, inte applicerbara. Detta eftersom Försiktighetsprincipen inte är applicerbar när resultaten av de olika handlingsalternativen inte är jämförbara i värde-termer. För att besvara frågan om vad som utmärker bra bioetiskt beslutsfattande i en kris, under risk och osäkerhet presenterar jag därför en fem-stegs kris-checklista i syfte att ge en överblick till vad ett bioetiskt beslut bör innefatta.

Le conflit civil moldave entre 1989 et 1992 a laissé un pays et une population divisés entre le fleuve Dniestr/Nistru. Malgré la victoire de la Pridnestrovie (RMP) dans sa guerre d’indépendance, elle n’a pas atteint son objectif de devenir un Etat reconnu. L’Accord de cessez-le-feu de 1992 qui a mis officiellement fin à la guerre a renforcé la séparation de la RMP par la création d’une zone tampon et l’établissement des forces de maintien de la paix. Comme convenu dans cet accord, la fin du nouveau statu quo et donc la résolution finale du conflit devraient passer obligatoirement par la détermination d’un nouveau statut politique pour la RMP. Faute d’avoir réussi à déterminer un statut officiel, le conflit est resté gelé. Lors de la période d’après-guerre, l’équilibre des pouvoirs a favorisé la RMP sur le plan économique, énergétique et sécuritaire, la plaçant dans une position de force vis-à-vis de la Moldavie. Cependant, puisqu’une reconnaissance étatique n’a jamais été accordée à la RMP, cette dernière a donc hérité d’un déficit symbolique que seule la Moldavie pouvait lui octroyer par la reconnaissance. Une politique active de reconnaissance envers la RMP entre 1994 et 1998 a été le facteur déterminant dans la transformation du conflit, conduisant à la signature de trois « grands accords ». Le célèbre Mémorandum de Moscou de 1997 a souligné ce processus transformatif au travers duquel les deux « opposants » se sont dès lors considérés comme « partenaires » au sein des négociations. Au cours de l’année 1998, Chisinau et Tiraspol se sont engagées sur le chemin de la paix en adoptant des mesures de confiance et de sécurité avec l’Accord d’Odessa / The Moldovan civil conflict between 1989 and 1992 left the country and the people permanently divided between the banks to the Dniestr/Nistru River. Despite Pridnestrovia’s (PMR) victory in its war of independence, it would not achieve its goal of being a recognized state. The ceasefire agreement of 1992 officially put an end to the war and solidified Prinestrovia’s separation through the creation of a security zone and the establishement of peacekeeping forces. Furthermore, the resolution of the conflict and the end of the new status quo had to be synchronized with the accordance of a new political status for the PMR. As an official status was never determined, the conflict has remained frozen. During the post-war period, the balance of power favored the PMR from an economic, energy and security perspective, providing it with major leverage over Moldova. However, given that the PMR was never attributed statehood meant that it inherited a symbolic deficit because only Moldova could provide it with recognition. Moldova’s policy of recognition towards the PMR between 1994 and 1998 would be the determing factor in the transformation of the conflict, leading to the signing of three “major accords”. The historic Moscow Memorandum of 1997 highlighted this transformative process by which the two “opponants” considered eachother as “partners” within the negociation process. By 1998, Chisinau and Tiraspol embarked upon the path of confidence building and security measures with the Odessa Accord of 1998

François Mitterrand aimait l'Histoire, et décidemment l'Histoire avait aimé Mitterrand, car peut-être ce n'est pas par hasard que c'était lui le gouverneur du destin de la France au moment d'un si grand tournant dans l'histoire européenne. Si l'historien allemand Tilo Schabert le nommait « le président-philosophe », alors quelle a été sa réponse devant le Sphynx de l'Histoire, en 1989 ? Pour ou contre la réunification de l'Allemagne ? A vrai dire, le statu quo de la Guerre froide et l'existence des deux Allemagne au cœur de l'Europe, convenaient à merveille à la France. L'écrivain François Mauriac disait : « J'aime l'Allemagne tellement, que je désire en avoir deux ». Une Allemagne divisée a permis à la France de prendre le leadership ouest-européen. Avec une participation active dans la construction européenne, une relation privilégie avec Moscou, sa popularité parmi les capitales est-européennes, et son indépendance dans le cadre de l'Otan, la France semblait avoir tous les atouts pour être la première puissance de l'Europe Occidentale. Pour comprendre la diplomatie de Mitterrand, celle-ci doit être vue dans la perspective d'un monde en changement, d'un statu quo en cours de modification : son tour dans les capitales de l'Est, le projet pour le traité de Maastricht (avec son enjeu historique – l'adoption d'une monnaie unique), la ratification des traités consentant à la réunification de l'Allemagne, le soutien envers Gorbatchev et finalement son projet pour une grande confédération pan-européenne sur le moule de la Conférence sur la Sécurité et Coopération en Europe, évoquant l'ambition de Charles de Gaulle de construire l'Europe de l'Atlantique à l'Oural. Dans ce labyrinthe d'événements il y a un fil d'Ariane, un raisonnement clair et un peu trop visionnaire de la part de Mitterrand. C'est la qualité (et en même temps le défaut) de résoudre le présent en pensant l'avenir. Ceux qui comprennent tout avant les autres seront toujours incompris par la majorité. Mitterrand savait que l'Allemagne était un pays à risques, surtout pour l'hégémonie française et ensuite pour la construction européenne, le grand projet de construction européenne entamé depuis 1945. C'est le but de notre recherche de montrer la source et la forme des manifestations de la politique étrangère de Mitterrand envers l'Europe Centrale-Orientale. La diplomatie de François Mitterrand envers l'Europe Centrale-Orientale, qui redeviendra une carte mentale géographique suite à la question de la réunification allemande, se trouve au carrefour, à la croisée de l'approche gaulliste, réaliste, et de celle poursuivie par Pompidou et Giscard d'Estaing, l'approche constructiviste. Seulement à travers la grille d'une analyse réaliste-constructiviste on peut comprendre les ressorts et les jalons de sa politique étrangère concernant la réunification allemande, la construction européenne (le congrès de Strasbourg de 1989) et finalement l'Europe Centrale-Orientale sortie du communisme et l'Union soviétique (le projet de confédération pan-européenne sera présenté le 31 décembre 1989). Le fil d'Ariane que nous avons évoqué au début est une tresse faite par l'entrelacement des deux fils différents, celui du réalisme et celui du constructivisme. Par cette voie on peut comprendre de la part de Mitterrand, le désir l'accéler l'intégration de la Communauté européenne, la nécessité de trouver un encadrement pour la réunification pacifique de l'Allemagne, et puis faire son ancrage dans les valeurs occidentales, d'éviter la désintégration d'une Europe Centrale-Orientale. / François Mitterrand loved history, and history definitely loved Mitterrand, and because of this maybe it is not by chance that he governed the destinies of France at a great turning point in European history. If the German historian Tilo Schabert called him ”le président-philoshophe”, then one might ask what has been the response in front of the Sphynx of History in 1989. Was he for or against the reunification of Germany? Indeed, the status quo of the Cold War and the existence of two Germanys in the heart of Europe suited perfectly for France. The writer François Mauriac famously once said:”I love Germany so much that I want to have two.” A divided Germany has enabled France to consolidate the leadership of West European. With active participation in European integration, a special relationship with Moscow, with its popularity among the Eastern European capitals, and its independence in NATO, France seemed to have everything it takes to be the first power of the Western Europe. To understand it, the diplomacy of Mitterrand must be seen in the context of a changing world, where the status quo was challenged. Starting from this premises we can understand his diplomatic tour in the capitals of the East, the project for the Maastricht Treaty ( with its historic stake - the adoption of a single currency), the ratification of 2+4 treaty consenting to the reunification of Germany, his support for Gorbachev and finally his project for a major pan- European confederation on the mold of the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe , echoing the ambition of Charles de Gaulle to build a Europe from the Atlantic to the Urals. In this maze of events the common thread was Mitterrand's a clear insight of the consequences the will follow the reunification. Those who understand everything before others will always be misunderstood by the majority. Mitterrand knew that Germany was a country at risk, especially for the French hegemony and then to European construction, the great European project started since 1945. It is the goal of our research to show the source and the form of Mitterrand's foreign policy toward East Central Europe in the context of the German question, towards a region that once again will become for France a geographic mental map. Mitterrand's diplomatic approach finds itself at a crossroads between a Gaullist approach, a realist one, and the one pursued by Pompidou and Giscard d'Estaing, a constructivist approach. Only through the grid of a realistic - constructivist analysis one can decipher the milestones of its foreign policy regarding the German reunification (2 +4 Treaty in September 1990), the European integration (the stake European Council in Strasbourg in1989) and finally East-Central Europe's post-communist architecture (through project of the pan European confederation he unveiled on 31 December 1989). Only in this way we can understand Mitterrand's desire to accelerate the integration of the European community, the need to find a framework for the peaceful reunification of Germany by anchoring it its Western commitments, and at the same time avoiding the disintegration of East-Central Europe.

No description available.

During the transformation process, the reform of public finances (in particular the tax system) is crucial for Georgia. There are a lot of proposals and suggestions in the financial literature concerning the introduction of tax systems in transition countries. Individual taxes or the entire tax system should be elaborated regarding certain criteria. This paper analyzes the tax reform procedures during the transition of Georgia to the free-market economy as well as the existing tax system. Concerning the taxes, the current tax system is more or less duplicated from the Western European countries. It becomes obvious that the chance of developing a rational, sustainable and adjusted tax system for transition countries was missed.

Smart phones are an important facet of the functionality of daily life. The main smart phone operating systems are Android and iOS. We cannot predict which one will be the winning smart phone operating system in the future. Hence, it is an important issue for consumers and enterprises to know which factors influence consumers to continue to use Android. We construct a dual factor model to explain consumers¡¦ Android use continuance. The dual factors include (1) dedication vs. constraint, (2) cognitive constraints vs. psychological constraints, and (3) internal lock effect vs. external lock effect. Data collected from 296 Android consumers in Taiwan were tested against the research model and confirmed our hypotheses. The results support the theoretical model in explaining the effect of ECT theory and status quo bias theory on consumers¡¦ intentions to continue to use Android. Finally, we find inertia is the most important factor influencing consumers¡¦ continued use of Android. The main contribution of this study is to provide a dual factor model for consumers¡¦ use continuance behavior. This model can also be applied to different technology products.