This thesis examines the political thought of Achille Mbembe. It deploys decolonial critical analysis to unmask traces of coloniality with regard to the African existential conditions foregrounded in the conception of the African subject, its subjection, and subjectivity. The theoretical foundation of this thesis is decolonial epistemic perspective—the epistemic intervention that serves as a lens to understand Mbembe’s work and—that is the theoretical foundation outside the Euro-North American “mainstream” canon foregrounded in coloniality. Decolonial epistemic perspective in this thesis is deployed to expose three kinds of coloniality in Mbembe’s work, namely: coloniality of power, coloniality of knowledge and coloniality of being. The thrust of this thesis is that Mbembe’s political thought is inadequate for the understanding of the African existential condition in that it does not fully take coloniality into account. In order to acknowledge the existence of coloniality through decolonial critical analysis, the political thought of Mbembe is examined in relation to modes of self-writing, power in the postcolony, the politics of violence in Africa, Frantz Fanon’s political thought, and the idea of South Africa as major themes undertaken in this thesis. Decolonial critical analysis deals with foundational questions that have relevance to the existential condition of the African subject and the manner in which such an existential crisis can be brought to an end. These foundational questions confront issues like—who is speaking or writing, from where, for whom and why? This thesis reveals that Mbembe is writing and thinking Africa from outside the problematic ontology of the African subject and, as such, Mbembe precludes any form of African subjectivity that challenges the Euro-North American canon. This then reveals that Mbembe is not critical of coloniality and this has the implications in that subjection is left on the wayside and not accounted for. Having explored the genealogy, trajectory and horisons of decolonial critical analysis to understand the political thought of Mbembe, this thesis highlights that it is essential to take a detour through the shifting of the geography of reason. Herein lies the originality of this thesis, and it is here that Africa is thought from within a standpoint of decolonial critical analysis and not Africa that is thought from the Euro-North American canon. Therefore, the shifting of the geography of reason is necessary for the authorisation of the subjectivity of the African subject in order to combat subjection. / Political Sciences / D. Litt. et Phil. (African Politics)

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-07-25T11:55:21Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Márcia Campos Eurico.pdf: 1131630 bytes, checksum: dc73d93f3b2f7dbc6f76ce1fa15758cb (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-07-25T11:55:21Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Márcia Campos Eurico.pdf: 1131630 bytes, checksum: dc73d93f3b2f7dbc6f76ce1fa15758cb (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-05-29 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The research has sought to analyse how the institutional racism takes place in black children's and teenagers daily routines and how much thispractice keeps deep relation to the accredited forms of black bodies control during slavery period in Brazil. The methodological procedures involved bibliographic documental research from 3 axes: racial democracy, institutional racism and institutional sheltering, whose analytical reading allows it to establish the criticism to the infancy attention model, materialised into the service daily routine; and field research in the institutions with the realization of focus group directed to the professionals. By immersing into the complex institutional sheltering process, behind the appearance of a safe place - with a roof, warm bed and five daily meals - a fact that professionals present it as a synonym of sheltering, what in fact is revealed as a projected institution to frame these children and adolescents, condemn them to confinement and reinforce, besides the non-belonging concept, their families' degeneration. If the daily-life is a place for thoughtless practices and loaded with ideology, the institutional sheltering services also incorporate these practices and perform the institutional racism, without embarrassement, because they represent the State which has played their eminent role of "poor" infancy and adolescence guardian. It is concluded that the institutional sheltering service target public has history, social class and race/color, and the priority task is to emerge this history so that the essence of sheltering phenomenon may be known as one more maneuver of controlling capitalism over the worker's class / A pesquisa buscou analisar como se materializa o racismo institucional no cotidiano de crianças e adolescentes negros(as) e o quanto esta prática guarda profunda relação com as formas legitimadas de controle dos corpos negros no período da escravidão no Brasil. Os procedimentos metodológicos envolveram pesquisa documental bibliográfica, a partir de três eixos: democracia racial, racismo institucional e acolhimento institucional, cuja leitura analítica permite estabelecer a crítica ao modelo de atenção à infância, materializado no cotidiano dos serviços; e pesquisa de campo nas instituições, com a realização de grupos focais dirigidos aos profissionais. Ao mergulhar no complexo processo de acolhimento institucional, por detrás da aparência de um lugar seguro − com teto, cama quentinha e cinco refeições diárias − fato que os profissionais, via de regra, apresentam como sinônimo de acolhimento, o que se revela é uma instituição projetada para enquadrar essas crianças e adolescentes, condená-los ao confinamento e reforçar, além do não lugar, a degeneração de suas famílias. Se o cotidiano é lugar de reprodução de práticas irrefletidas e carregadas de ideologia, os serviços de acolhimento institucional também incorporam estas práticas e reproduzem o racismo institucional, sem constrangimentos, porque representam o Estado que se colocou no eminente papel de guardião da infância e adolescência “pobres”. Conclui-se que o público-alvo dos serviços de acolhimento institucional tem história, tem classe social e tem raça/cor, e a tarefa prioritária é fazer emergir essa história para que se possa conhecer a essência do fenômeno de acolhimento como mais uma manobra do capitalismo de controle sobre a classe trabalhadora

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-05T13:00:54Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Elizabeth Yuko Haga.pdf: 3342115 bytes, checksum: c78c9d7dc565723fbf65eb081e54211f (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-05T13:00:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Elizabeth Yuko Haga.pdf: 3342115 bytes, checksum: c78c9d7dc565723fbf65eb081e54211f (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-14 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior - CAPES / The aim of the present study was to investigate whether the children and grandchildren of Japanese immigrants in Brazil feel or have ever felt like victims of discrimination, prejudice or stigmatization due to their origins. The secondary goals were to assess whether they identified more with Brazilian or Japanese culture, and whether there were differences in these feelings between the children and grandchildren. To this end, 31 people were interviewed (22 women and 9 men), of which 13 were children and 18, grandchildren, between 50 and 65 years old. Participants were recruited through the researcher’s online social networks. The method was qualitative and quantitative. The results were categorized and analyzed using the analytical psychology framework and some constructs from the social sciences. The results showed that the participants experienced discrimination in their childhood and youth, and ambiguity regarding their bicultural roots, with possibilities of working these conflicts at the present time. There were no differences between genders or generations / Este estudo teve por objetivo principal investigar se filhos e netos de imigrantes japoneses se sentem ou se já se sentiram como alvo de discriminação, preconceito ou estigmatização devido à sua ascendência. Os objetivos secundários foram avaliar se eles se sentem mais identificados com a cultura brasileira ou com a japonesa, e se há diferenças entre filhos e netos quanto a esses sentimentos. Com essa finalidade, foram entrevistadas 31 pessoas (22 mulheres e 9 homens), dos quais eram 13 filhos e 18 netos, na faixa etária entre 50 e 65 anos de idade. A seleção desses participantes foi realizada a partir de divulgação pelas redes sociais da pesquisadora. O método utilizado foi o qualitativo e o quantitativo. Os resultados foram categorizados e analisados pelos referenciais da psicologia analítica e alguns constructos das ciências sociais. Os resultados apontaram afirmativamente para vivências de discriminação no período da infância à juventude, ambiguidades em relação à dupla raiz cultural, com possibilidades de elaboração dos conflitos no momento presente. Concluiu-se que não há diferenças entre sexos ou gerações

The struggles for racial equality throughout northern cities during the late-1960s, while not nearly as prevalent within historical scholarship as those pertaining to the Deep South, have left an indelible mark on both the individuals and communities involved. Historians have until recently thought of the civil rights movement in the north as a violent betrayal of Dr. Martin Luther King, Jr.'s vision of an inclusive and integrated society, as well as coinciding with the rise, and subsequent decline, of Black Power. But despite such suppositions, the experiences of northern cities immersed in the civil rights struggle were far more varied and nuanced. The explosion of racial violence throughout American cities in the late-1960s bred fear among many in the white political establishment who viewed the cultural shifts inherent in racial equality as threatening to undermine their traditional racial dominance. Partially the result of feelings of increased powerlessness, and partially in an effort of self-preservation, many in the ranks of government and law enforcement worked to oppose the seismic changes underfoot. This thesis makes a concerted effort to examine and evaluate the role that race played in the Albina community of Portland, Oregon in the late-1960s, with a particular emphasis on the motivations, impact, and legacy of two racial disturbances that occurred there in the summers of 1967 and 1969. It asserts that while racial prejudice and bigotry were certainly prevalent among members of both the city's political and law enforcement community, and did play a significant role in the deterioration of their relationship with the black community, there were many other factors that also contributed to the police-community discord in late-1960s Albina. Moreover, it asserts that the reactions of the white and African-American communities to the disturbances were, contrary to conventional wisdom, not monolithic, but rather diverse and wide-ranging. The goal of this narrative history is not merely to analyze the racial unrest and public response to the disturbances, but also to integrate and link the experiences of Portland's African-Americans into the broader dialogue of the civil rights movement of the late-1960s. In short, the study of late-1960s Portland allows us to reach a greater understanding of racial inequality in America during this period.

Zugl.: Berlin, Humboldt-Universiẗat, Habil.-Schr., 2003.

Thesis (M.A.)--Kent State University, 2007. / Title from PDF t.p. (viewed June 26, 2008). Advisor: Elaine J. Hall. Keywords: Indian mascots; Racial inequalities; Framing; Content analysis. Includes bibliographical references (p. 111-124).

This thesis is a reception analysis using qualitative interviews to investigate the formation of cultural groups around computer-game LANs present in Rhodes University. It also looks at how issues of social inequalities evident on the university's campus impact on the participation of students in these LANs. The findings of this study are that the participants have established a community around the practice of computer LAN-gameplay based on values developed through the combination of the material and gameworlds. It serves as a home-on-campus for them; where they can fully explore their passion for games thus reaffirming their identity as gamers on a campus where being a gamer is viewed negatively. In this light, computer-game playing is not just a practice these participants perform, but a culture they live out every day. This is a culture predominantly lived out by men. One of the reasons for this is because most women have been raised to believe to have negative predispositions about digital gaming e.g. that it is childish, addictive and anti-social, but also that computer are meant to be used by men - women use them only when it is absolutely necessary, for example, that it is childish, for academic-related purposes. As a result, not many of them will use computers for any otherreason for fear of being socially criticised. In addition, the gaming culture being dominated by whites is due to the fact that admittance in to this community is still unaffordable for the majority of black students on the Rhodes University campus as a result of their social backgrounds.

Summaries in English and Afrikkans / The aim of this thesis is to investigate the labour law position of South African farm workers. For three and a half centuries farm workers constituted the most neglected group in the South African labour force. Consequently, an understanding of their present position can only be obtained by investigating their labour history. As in other parts of the world, farm workers in South Africa held a subordinate position to agricultural employers. Discrimination against black persons added to the inferior socio-economic and political position of South African farm workers. White farmers occupied a strong political position during most of the time under investigation, which enabled them to institute and apply discriminatory legislation and informal methods to overcome labour shortages. The freedom of movement of black people and their access to land were restricted to create a cheap immobile labour force. During the 20th century farmers prevented the inclusion of farm workers in labour legislation by exercising their political influence. Pressure by industrial trade unions and encouragement by the International Labour Organisation (ILO) resulted in the adoption of the Agricultural Labour Act which made labour legislation applicable to farm workers, but precluded them from striking and made allowance for longer working hours than for industrial workers. The new political dispensation facilitated the inclusion of farm workers in general labour legislation without any discriminatory exceptions and land reform legislation now protects farm workers against arbitrary evictions. A bill of rights furthermore guarantees the rights of farm workers which were previously violated. It would superficially seem that farm workers' problems are something of the past. Farm workers, however, remain handicapped in exercising their new rights by historical factors and circumstances peculiar to the agricultural sector. Legal comparison with Ontario and California confirms that legislation alone is insufficient to empower farm workers. It is recommended that the government amend existing legislation to accommodate the special needs of farm workers and that relevant ILO conventions, especially Convention 141 of 1975, be ratified to aid the development of unions for farm workers. This will contribute to the empowerment of and social justice for farm workers. / Die doel van hierdie tesis is om die arbeidsregtelike posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers te ondersoek. Plaaswerkers was vir drie en 'n half eeue die mees afgeskeepte groep in die Suid-Afrikaanse werksmag. Om die huidige posisie van plaaswerkers te begryp is dus slegs moontlik deur 'n bestudering van die regsgeskiedenis van plaaswerkers. Soos in ander werelddele beklee plaaswerkers in Suid-Afrika 'n minderwaardige posisie teenoor landbouwerkgewers. Diskriminasie teenoor swartpersonehet bygedra tot die sosio-ekonomiese en polities minderwaardige posisie van Suid-Afrikaanse plaaswerkers. Blanke boere het gedurende die grootste deel van die tydperk onder bespreking 'n sterk politiese posisie beklee wat hulle in staat gestel het om diskriminerende wetgewing en informele metodes aan te wend om arbeidstekorte te bowe te kom. Swart persone se bewegingsvryheid en toegang tot grond is beperk om 'n goedkoop immobiele werksmag te vorm. Gedurende die 20ste eeu het boere se sterk politiese posisie hulle in staat gestel om te verhoed dat plaaswerkers by arbeidswetgewing ingesluit word. Druk deur industriele vakbonde en aanmoediging deur die Intemasionale Arbeidsorganisasie (IAO) het gelei tot die Wet op Landbou-arbeid waardeur arbeidswetgewing op plaaswerkers van toepassing gemaak is, maar wat plaaswerkers verbied het om te staak en wat voorsiening gemaak het vir langer werkure as vir industriele werkers. 'n Nuwe politieke bedeling het gelei tot die insluiting van plaaswerkers in algemene arbeidswetgewing sonder enige diskriminerende uitsonderings en grondhervormingswetgewing beskerm plaaswerkers nou teen arbitrere uitsettings. 'n Handves van menseregte waarborg verder die regte van plaaswerkers wat voorheen misken is. Oenskynlik is die probleme van plaaswerkers nou iets van die verlede. Plaaswerkers word egter steeds in die uitoefening van hulle nuwe regte gestrem deur historiese faktore en die eiesoortige omstandighede van die landbousektor. Regsvergelyking met Kalifomie en Ontario het aangetoon <lat wetgewing alleen nie voldoende is om plaaswerkers te bemagtig nie. Daar word aanbeveel dat die regering bestaande wetgewing wysig om voorsiening te maak vir die spesiale behoeftes van plaaswerkers en dat relevante IA0 konvensies, veral Konvensie 141 van 197 5 geratifiseer word om die ontwikkeling van vakbonde vir plaaswerkers te bevorder. Dit sal bydra tot die bemagtiging van en tot sosiale geregtigheid vir plaaswerkers / Law / LL.D.

M.A. / Although all forms of apartheid control legislation have been repealed and the Constitution and Bill of Rights adopted, it is questionable in what way these principles of equality and non-discrimination are effectively implemented and whether changes have occurred in practice. Chapter one therefore provides an overview of the study. The discussion of legislation viz. the Constitution, the Equality Clause and Employment Equity Act urges the elimination of discrimination and the implementation of equality. The legacy of policing also provides the challenge to change. Several SAPS policies and directives such as the SAPS Policy Document on Affirmative Action and Fundamental Equality Directives in theory indicate the movement towards change and initiatives to implement equality and eliminate discrimination. It is therefore impressive to have legislation, policies and directives, but the question is in what way these are effectively being implemented and whether one can notice a change in the actual behaviour of police officials. Equality and non-discrimination, which are at the heart of effective policing, underpin good community and human relations. It is important to assess in what way the SA police culture and working climate have changed from a traditional partisan and discriminatory approach to a service provider that celebrates diversity and human rights. The research therefore investigates in what way the rhetoric of equality and non-discrimination have been implemented and its effect on individuals in a policing environment. The perceived gap between policy legislation and reality in practice was a further motivational aspect of the study, as policy alone will not ensure the implementation of equality principles. The goal and objectives of the study narrow the focus and the presentation of definitions provides further clarity. The research nature for this study was primarily explorative, and also descriptive. The goal of the study was to explore and describe police officials' experience and behaviour in the implementation of equality and the elimination of discriminatory practices in the working environment at police station level during the period 1996-7. This research was primarily of a qualitative nature and a single embedded case study design strategy was used. The unit /item of analysis or sampling element was police officials working under the jurisdiction of one specific police station in Gauteng. The demographic profile and characteristics of the police officials in the study sample was presented and analysed quantitatively (SSPS descriptive statistics according to frequency counts and cross tabulations) and achieved the first secondary objective of exploring and describing the level of representivity at the police station being studied. A non-probability sampling method - based on convenience and reliance on available subjects - was the primary sampling strategy used. Other secondary types of sampling used in this study were snowball or chain, confirming and disconfirming cases, opportunistic, and a combination or mixed strategies.

Recent studies have shown that graduates from historically White universities (HWUs) experience better labour market outcomes than graduates from historically Black universities (HBUs). This is a result of the legacy of apartheid which promoted racial inequality in all spheres of South African society, more especially in higher education and the labour market. Post-1994, government dedicated large amounts for the restructuring of the higher education sector of South Africa in order to level out the playing field. However, graduates from HWUs still experience better labour market success than graduates from HBUs. That said, there is limited information about the labour market outcomes and experiences of graduates from a former White university (especially graduates from Rhodes University). Therefore, the central aim of this dissertation is to show that graduates from a historically White university (Rhodes University) experience varying and unequal outcomes in the South African labour market on account of (among other factors) their chosen fields of study, race and sex. This study is informed by the heterodox labour market approach, which is partly inspired by the critical realist account of the labour market. As a result, this theoretical framework allowed the researcher to use the Labour Market Segmentation (LMS) theory as a tool to inform this analysis. The study has adopted a quantitative survey design and has incorporated some of the key methodological lessons learned from the collection of international graduate tracer studies. The findings from this study indicated that ‘field of study’ is a strong determiner of the outcomes of Rhodes graduates in the labour market. This was visible in the persistence of a skills bias towards commerce and science graduates. Evidently, even when we controlled for race and sex, graduates from the commerce and science faculties experience better labour market outcomes than humanities graduates. This is a result of a skills biased South African economy, which has a higher demand for certain skills over others. However, the findings from this study also show evidence of pre-labour market discrimination and inequality (based on race and sex) in the supply-side institutions such as the family, schooling and university. The findings also show continuities and discontinuities of labour market discrimination (based on race and sex) in the outcomes of Rhodes graduates in the South African labour market. More importantly, this dissertation indicates that Rhodes graduates experience varying outcomes in the labour market as a result of (among other factors) their chosen fields of study, race and sex.