From the exterior, the United States has extracted natural resources and transformed the social dynamics of those living on the periphery, contributing to the emigration from Mexico and immigration to the United States. This,in turn,creates the racialization of the Mexican immigrant, specifically the undocumented immigrant—the "illegal alien." I argue that this unilateral interaction operates with a racial formation of the Mexican immigrant created by elite white (non-Hispanic) males. The anti-Mexican immigrant subframe and "prowhite" subframe derive from the white racial frame,which racializes the undocumented immigrant in the United States. In addition, the subframes are evident in the three stages of migration. The three stages consist of threefold factors: First, the exploitation of Mexican resources (natural and human) and racialized immigration policies; second, the social networks and smugglers, called coyotes, who assist the undocumented immigrant to bypass barriers; and third, the discrimination undocumented immigrants encounter in the United States by other people of color. This dissertation relied on the migration experience of thirty Mexican male day-laborers,living in Texas, to examine the white racial framing of undocumented immigrants. The findings demonstrate how the U.S. immigration policies and members of the host society persistently exhibit the white racial frame and its subframes. This study is essential, because, aside from noting the issues of unauthorized migration, it demonstrates how elite white males shape the dialogue on the discourse and all that surrounds the migration process.

This thesis explores negotiations of belonging among unaccompanied young refugees in Sweden. The thesis further aims to shed light on methodological aspects of bringing out their voices. The analysis draws on postcolonial and poststructuralist approaches to belonging and relates belonging to the concepts of home, place, racialization and notions of “Swedishness”. The thesis analyses qualitative interviews with 17 young people, who arrived in Sweden as unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors and have been granted permanent residency. The interviews are complemented with walk-alongs and photography-based interviews. Paper 1 gives an overview and discussion of research on unaccompanied asylum-seeking minors. I argue that there is a lack of their voices in the research, and that their own agency and perspectives are not addressed due to a focus on vulnerability and emotional health (or lack thereof). Paper II, which is delimited to participants in a rural village, shows that they negotiate belonging and a sense of home related to places but that othering is constraining. In paper II and III I suggest that the participants’ belongings and position in Sweden can be understood as conditional due to othering and racialization. In paper III, I argue that expressing gratitude can be understood as a form of impression management and, thus be a strategy to negotiate their position in the interview setting as in the host country. I finally argue that in order to understand the participants’ negotiations of belonging attention has to be paid to their agency as well as the conditioning of belonging in discourses and in interactions on the local level.

Racism is a serious barrier to achieving employment equity in Canada. The intersectional nature of oppression creates a situation where, based on various characteristics including gender, place of birth, and ethnic group membership, individuals experience employment related racism differently from one another. This intersectionality indicates that policies that may protect one marginalized group may not protect all groups equally. Through an examination of current employment equity research and reports, an overview of employment equity and human rights legislation in Canada, and an analysis of data collected in three interviews with Black men living in Victoria, British Columbia, a series of recommendations are made for employers, allies, and policy changes. This research illuminates the inequity of employment experiences in Canada, and provides suggestions for next steps forward from members of a population currently underserved by existing employment equity measures. / Graduate / 0733 / 0631 / 0630 / jmetz@uvic.ca

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.

This analysis examines the implicatedness of the self as an embodied space of marginality, knowledge, and resistance to the discursive and material effects of systemic oppression. It explores the implications and possibilities as they relate to social collectives [in nation-state contexts] in resisting and contesting the constraining forces of dominant/dominating institutionalized power and authority in the context of speaking and/or enunciating from the space of abjectification, racialization, and outcastness that has been constructed historically by the nation-state of Britain as a body codified as included-as-excluded-as-removed from the dominant sociopolitical collective’s sense of self and identity? This study argues that enunciation in this form carries with it a politics of ontological transformation that has profound implications for the social collective that is Britain as a whole specifically in the context of social justice affirmation and the reclamation [and assertion] of a collective sense of self that is grounded in a refusal and contestation of the multi-layered hegemonic conceptual frameworks that continue to naturalize, {re}produce and sustain systemic oppression as a state of permanency [Bell, 1992]. This study will explore the permanency of oppression further in relation to the discursive and material negation and amputation of social difference [i.e. class, gender, disability, and sexuality] while centering race [and its prostheticization] as a salient organizing tool in the (re)production of a hegemonic social order. To this end this study utilizes two key interconnecting concepts, internal/internalized colonialism, and racialization. ii It suggests that racialization mediated and channeled by and through a process of internal/internalized colonialism underpins the hegemonic social order of Britain and as such both terms are re-conceptualized and subjected to a complex analysis. Finally, this study examines the theoretical possibilities for developing an anti-racialization framework as a politics of enunciation that makes usage of the concept of racialization as a tool for [1] demystifying systems of oppression, [2] understanding the processes of collective implicatedness in oppression, [3] refusing pathologization and [4] mobilizing transformation through and within a refusal of the amputative and negative capacities of the racialization process.

The thesis approaches the phenomenon of ethnic residential segregation in Sweden froma critical perspective in which the structures of social, and in particular of racial relationsare central. Firstly, the role of the Swedish state in processes of what is called urban racialization isexplored through an examination of the sequential ideological discourses and housingpolicies valid during the twentieth century, seeking a historical continuity in processes ofresidential segregation as well as in social constructions of the Other Secondly, a cluster analysis is carried out in the medium-sized Swedish city of Uppsala.The analysis indicates that a spatial division of residence along racial lines to some extentis taking place in Uppsala, as can be the case in other Swedish cities, Thirdly, a phenomenological survey is carried out in the suburb of Gottsunda, Uppsala,The interview survey finds no empirical support for the culturally deterministic postulatebased on the otherwise common belief that spatial patterns of ethnic segregation couldhave been generated by immigrants when choosing their allocations in the city, strivingthus the proximity to countrymen. Finally, symbolic mechanisms, such as everyday discourses, the drawing of invisibleboundaries between We and Them and media representations, are explored. These,together with structural ideological and political factors, are constantly interacting in theprocesses of maintenance and reproduction of racialized residential patterns in theSwedish urban structure.

This study interrogates whose knowledge about the self and the other is represented to Iranian students in the 2004 and in selected pre-2004 editions of elementary and guidance school textbooks by analyzing how issues of identity politics, diversity, “citizenship” and development inform the construction of Iranian national identity since the introduction of various curriculum reforms (i.e.: global education) after the Revolution of 1978-79. I draw upon antiracism and transnationalism as discourses of analysis through which the West-East dichotomy is (re)evaluated and interrogated within the context of Edward Said’s notion of Orientalism and Boroujerdi’s (1996) conceptualization of “Orientalism in reverse”. I utilize deconstruction, discourse and qualitative interpretative content analyses as methods of investigating how “race”, ethnicity, social class and gender are configured in representations of sameness and difference. I “look at style, figures of speech, settings, narrative devices, historical and social circumstances, not the correctness of the representation nor its fidelity to some great original” (Said, 1978, p. 28). I argue that the ideal citizen and Iranian national identity are constructed by references to conflicting discourses of mustāżafīn (the oppressed), jīhād-i sūzandagī (the Reconstruction Jīhād), ‘ashayir (nomadic tribes), Ummat-i Islamī (Islamic Nation/Community), Īrān-dūstī (loving Iran), the Aryan migration, velayat-e-faqih and colonialism. In their discursive formations, nationalist, anti-imperialist, Islamic, middle-class and Orientalist narratives construct a homogenized Iranian citizenry who has always been active in regional/global relations of power. The ideal citizen is represented through the invocation of two types/sets of “shifting collectivities” that identify it as “white”, male, Shi’a, Aryan-Pars, progressive, independent, pious and a leader in the Islamic world. The first set divides between Shi’a-Persians and non-Shi’a and non-Persians. The second set of binary oppositions represents the ideal citizen in relation and in opposition to the West and the East in their multiple and historical forms. These textbooks are assimilationist texts that act as “border patrolling” and “stignatizing” discourses. They are also forms of “textual genocide” that exclude the voices and histories of national and global minorities and acts of discrimination committed by Iranians against women and minority religious and ethnic groups as official knowledge about friendly/enemy insiders and outsiders.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-06-02T20:39:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 5065.pdf: 1156283 bytes, checksum: 7b6775c6225ace8c40370a3eecfc93ec (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-12-13 / This dissertation proposes an investigation of the Rwandan genocide, an African country located in Central Africa. This analysis is based on a reading perspective of various written sources that will overlap and inform the colonization process and subsequent genocide in Rwanda. The Rwandan genocide occurred in 1994 in which have approximately 10% of the local population killed. From the documentation produced about the Rwandan genocide and society during the colonial period, I intend to configure how the category of race was very deep into Rwandan society producing a discourse of hate group who scored a racialization process with atypical effects on African societies. The idea of the project, therefore, is the attempt to deconstruct the discourse on essentializing racism to explain the Rwandan society by analyzing the historical reconstruction in which it was created and set a background to realize that references the categories "Hutu" and "Tutsi are trademarks of social differences from natural sources but that these categories by printing a network of well-articulated speeches were being transformed into fixed identities in the colonial period. / Este trabalho propõe uma investigação do genocídio em Ruanda, país Africano localizado na região da África Central. Esta análise é construída numa perspectiva baseada em várias fontes escritas que se sobrepõem e informam sobre o processo de colonização e subsequente genocídio. O genocídio de Ruanda ocorreu em 1994, ano em que aproximadamente 10% da população local foi morta. Tomando como base a documentação produzida sobre o genocídio e a sociedade ruandesa no período colonial, é nosso objetivo discorrer como a racialização dos hutus e tutsis sob a égide belga produziu o processo de assimilação cultural e um discurso de ódio grupal. A ideia da dissertação é desconstruir o discurso essencialista de explicação da sociedade ruandesa, para tanto se recorre à reconstrução histórica em que foi criado. Desta forma, é necessário demonstrar historicamente que as categorias Hutu e Tutsi são marcas das diferenças sociais advindas do processo histórico e social pré-colonial ruandês. Porém, no período colonial, essas categorias são redefinidas dentro de uma rede de discursos bem articulados transformando-se em identidades raciais fixas. A dissertação de mestrado discute também que o processo do colonialismo europeu, sem dúvida, teve papel relevante para criar as bases sociais e ideológicas para o genocídio de Ruanda, entretanto, não foi o único fator explicativo. É necessário interrogar quais foram os interesses, as intencionalidades, as motivações do Estado Ruandês, dos países da África Central e de centenas de milhares de hutus que transformaram a matança, de seus vizinhos tutsis ou de hutus que se negaram a realizar esta empreitada da morte, uma ação habitual em todos os dias de abril a julho de 1994. Além do processo colonial deve-se levar em conta a ação dos sujeitos, pois perpetradores e vítimas não são observadores passivos de um plano orquestrado pelo colonialismo nem são os únicos responsáveis pelos eventos agudos daqueles meses de sangue . Portanto, o genocídio de Ruanda não é mais uma catástrofe necrológica fruto da barbárie que nutre os corações e as mentes dos bárbaros que já banalizaram a violência como sugerem os discursos que costumam animalizar os africanos. Deve-se questionar o porquê o pensamento colonial racializou seus corpos e as possíveis estratégias, lutas e resistências tanto teórica quanto prática para a ruptura de todas as formas de essencialismo.

Denna uppsats är en studie om nyhetsrapporteringen kring attentatet i Trollhättan 2015 och attacken i Stockholm 2017. Studien har med hjälp av en kvalitativ textanalys analyserat totalt tio stycken artiklar från Aftonbladet och Expressen. Båda dåden som analyseras i uppsatsen är enligt definition terrorism, dock blir endast ett av dåden benämnt som terrorism i media. Med hjälp av teoretiska perspektiv och tidigare forskning inom gestaltning, rasifiering och representation har studien belyst skillnader och likheter och vad som framhävs i medias rapportering kring terrorism för att ta reda på vem som kallas terrorist och inte.       För samtliga av studiens tio artiklar är det huvudsakliga syftet att sammanställa och återberätta de aktuella händelseförloppen. Sedan har studien genom valda metoder och teorier kunnat identifiera hur de två händelserna gestaltas. Genom en jämförande analys händelserna sinsemellan visade resultatet att tidningarnas gestaltning främjar en världsuppfattning om terrorism i enlighet med religionens tro. / This paper is a study of news rapports about the acts of violence in Trollhättan 2015  and the attacks in Stockholm 2017. The study uses a qualitative text analysis in order to analyze a total of ten articles from the Swedish news papers Aftonbladet and Expressen. Both acts of violence can be defined as terrorism, but only one of these acts of violence have been called terrorism by the media. With the help of theoretical perspectives such as framing, racialization and representation, this paper acknowledges differences and similarities but also what media emphasizes when they report on terrorism; also which individual is deemed to be called a terrorist or not. For all ten articles analyzed in this study, the main purpose is to gather and retell the current events. By using content analysis and the theories mentioned above, this paper identified how the two events have been framed. By comparing the analyses of the two acts of violence, it is shown that; media depict and emphasize a worldview of terrorism in accordance with religious beliefs.

Esta tese investiga as experiências de sociabilidade negra na região fronteiriça Brasil – Uruguai no pós-abolição. Tem como objeto central os clubes negros criados entre as décadas de 10 e 40 do século XX, cujas expressões estão nas seguintes cidades e respectivos clubes: Jaguarão ‒ Club 24 de Agosto (1918 – até hoje); Pelotas ‒ Fica AhíPrá Ir Dizendo (1921 - até hoje); Bagé ‒ Os Zíngaros (1936 - até hoje); Palmeira (1948– ?); Melo ‒ Centro Uruguay (1923 – atéhoje).O propósito do trabalho é mapear o processo de racialização vivenciado na fronteira no pós-abolição. O recorte cronológico remonta ao surgimento dos clubes negros no Uruguai e no Rio Grande do Sul/Brasil, em 1872, e avança até a década de 1960. As fontes utilizadas foram, basicamente, imprensa negra, escritas de vivências, depoimentos orais de antigos e antigas associadas e fotografias e aquelas produzidas no âmbito dos clubes. / This thesis investigates the black sociability experiences in the border region Brazil - Uruguay in the post-abolition.Its central purpose is the black clubs created between the decade of 10 and 40 of the twentieth century in the following cities and their respective clubs: Jaguarão–Club24 de Agosto(1918 - until today); Pelotas –FicaAhíPráIrDizendo (1921 - until today); Bagé – OsZíngaros (1936 - to this day), Palmeira (1948 -?); Melo - Centro Uruguay (1923- until today).The purpose of this work is to map the process of racialization experienced on the frontier in post-abolition.Chronologically, the study starts from the emergence of black clubs in Uruguay and Rio Grande do Sul/Brazil, in 1872, and advances until the 1960s.The historical sources used were basically black press, written experiences, oral testimonies of old and former associates and photographs, as well as those produced within the clubs.