In contrast to the municipalities across the United States that restrict migration and criminalize the presence of immigrants, Philadelphia is actively seeking to attract immigrants as a strategy to reverse the city’s limited economic and political importance caused by decades of deindustrialization and population loss. In 2010, the population of Philadelphia increased for the first time in six decades. This achievement, widely celebrated by the local government and in the press, was only made possible through increased immigration. This dissertation examines how efforts to attract migrants, through the creation of localized policy and institutions that facilitate incorporation, transform assertions of citizenship and the dynamics of race for Colombian migrants. The purpose of this research is to analyze how Colombians’ articulations of citizenship, and the ways they extend beyond juridical and legal rights, are enabled and constrained under new regimes of localized policy. In the dissertation, I examine citizenship as a set of performances and practices that occur in quotidian tasks that seek to establish a sense of belonging. Without a complex understanding of the effects of local migration policy, and how they differ from the effects of federal policy, we fail to grasp how Philadelphia’s promotion of migration has unstable and unequal effects for differentially situated actors. This becomes evermore salient as increased migration wrought through local policy efforts guarantees that Philadelphia will continue to uneasily shift away from its Black-White racial polarity. Second, I explore how the racialization of Colombians is transformed by the dynamics of localized policy in Philadelphia, where their experiences of marginalization as Latinos belies the construction of immigrants as a highly valued group, and shaped by the particularities of Colombian history, the imperial nature of US-Colombia relations, and shifting geopolitics among Latin American nations. The dissertation highlights how Colombians seek to meaningfully distinguish themselves from other Latinos by examining the ways changes in Latin America have shaped and continue to shape the politics of race in the US, and thus how Colombians navigate and produce the boundaries between groups. The dissertation contextualizes Colombian migration within three significant shifts in the contemporary US.: 1) the increasing attempts of states, municipalities and cities to craft their own immigration policies, specifically declining cities attempting to rebound from population loss and deindustrialization, 2) the emergence of Latinos as the largest demographic minority group and their increasing heterogeneity with respect to race, legal status, class and national origin and 3) heightened attention to citizenship as legal status and performances and practices of belonging. This research contributes to the theorization of racial formations and citizenship by providing critical information about local immigration policies as transforming intra- and inter-group relations, thus offering an analysis of Philadelphia as a new immigrant destination. / Anthropology

Den här studien har för avsikt att belysa och behandla hur en allmänhet kan tänkas uppfatta och förhålla sig till fördomar, rasism och diskriminering. Hur uppfattningar om etnicitet, ras och nationalitet, relaterar till kulturella skillnader och hur andrafiering och stereotyper motiveras och betraktas. Informanterna i studien visar generellt en stor tolerans mot andra men visar också tydliga tendenser till andrafiering och ingruppsbias. I sina tolkningar av ”den kulturellt andre” märks att de baserar sina antaganden och resonemang på individuella och kollektiva gruppstereotyper. De accepterar inte interpersonella uttryck för rasism och diskriminering men är relativt omedvetna om vad som skapar strukturell diskriminering och de är också mer toleranta mot diskriminering motiverat av vinstintresse. / Through this study I will attempt to show how a public might understand and relate to prejudice, racism and discrimination. How perceptions about ethnicity, race and nationality relate to cultural differences and how othering and stereotypes are being motivated by the informants and how they view them. The participating informants generally show significant tolerance towards others, but also show clear tendencies of othering and in-group bias. In their interpretation of “the cultural other”, assumptions and reasoning suggests that they are based on collective and individual group stereotypes. They do not accept interpersonal racism and discrimination but are seemingly unaware of what constitutes and creates structural discrimination and they are more tolerant towards discrimination based on economic interest.

Apresento nesta dissertação a pesquisa que realizei sobre as relações entre a paulistanidade e o preconceito contra nordestinos. Exponho como o ideal de superioridade paulista foi historicamente acompanhado por uma narrativa racial, econômica e política que aponta a racionalidade, a branquidade e o mérito como virtudes diferenciais desta população. Apresento, da mesma maneira, a estigmatização dos nordestinos como um fenômeno social de grande alcance, associado à ideia de inaptidão econômica, política e racial imputada a este grupo regional, que aparece com frequência como contraponto da moralidade paulista. Analiso como noções de progresso e civilização, restritivas e racializadas, se adequam e se relacionam de formas distintas a identidades regionais variadas. Trato os regionalismos brasileiros de modo que seja possível investigar a ascensão da questão regional como um processo de racialização e demarcação econômica das populações brasileiras, notadamente simbolizadas por uma gama de marcadores sociais da diferença. Interessa-me entender tanto o caráter homogeneizador das narrativas regionalistas quanto as mobilizações em torno de raça e classe que estas possam abarcar. Focando no caso paulista, apresento o histórico da paulistanidade em torno de uma superioridade que frequentemente se apresentou como questão racial. Da mesma maneira, empreendo uma análise comprometida em averiguar as continuidades e descontinuidades deste regionalismo. A ascensão do discurso da democracia racial com seu consequente padrão de preconceito e discriminação que se estabelece de forma velada é, portanto, um marco importante para esta análise. Para destrinchar estas questões, focalizo a corrente crise política brasileira e os grupos separatistas paulistas que surgiram nesta década (2010). A tese que orienta esta pesquisa é de que a paulistanidade não somente recrudesce em momentos de disputa política, como aparece enquanto perpetradora de uma hierarquia nacional marcada por assimetrias raciais, regionais e de classe. Defendo, deste modo, que a contraposição histórica entre paulistas e nordestinos pode se apresentar como uma narrativa eficaz do conservadorismo nacional. Esta narrativa seria capaz de extrapolar o plano discursivo, possuindo materialidade política notável. Torna-se importante salientar que o regionalismo paulista é pensado de forma relacional aos outros regionalismos brasileiros. / Here, I present a research on the relationship between the paulistanity (ideology which states the existence of a superiority of the people from the Brazilian State of São Paulo i.e. Paulistas) and the discrimination against people from the Northeast region of Brazil. I show that the idea of a Paulista superiority was historically accompanied by a racial, economic, and political narrative that points the rationality, the whiteness, and merit as sources of this alleged superiority. In the same way, I present the Northeastern stigma as a pervasive social phenomenon, constantly associated with the imposed idea of an economic, political, and racial incapacity of this regional population which is often shown as an opposite to the Paulista morality. I analyze how narrow and racial-based notions of progress and civilization differently conform and relate to a variety of geographic regional identities. I analyze the Brazilian regionalisms in a way that allows me to investigate the rise of the regional matter as a process characterized by a wide racialization and an economic delimitation of Brazilian populations, notably characterized by a range of social markers of difference. I try to understand the racial and class aspects of regionalist narratives and I try to understand how regionalist narratives homogenize human groups. Regarding Paulistas case, I present the history of the paulistanity and the associated sense of superiority that has been frequently presented as a racial matter. In the same way, I analyze the permanence and the discontinuity of this regionalism. Accordingly, an important issue for this analysis is the rise of the mythical racial democracy, accompanied by its pattern of prejudice and discrimination, which are stablished in a veiled way. In order to disentangle these questions, I incorporate to my analyses perspectives on the current Brazilian political crisis and perspectives on the Paulista separatists groups that were founded in the 2010s. This research is based on the thesis that the expression of paulistanity would not only enhance during instances of political dispute, but it would also promote a national hierarchy characterized by racial, regional, and class asymmetries. Therefore, I propose that the historical contrast between Paulistas and Northeastern Brazilians can be presented as an efficient narrative of national conservatism. This conservative narrative is not restricted to a speech level, but can also reach notable political materiality. Additionally, it is important to highlight that, in this study, I relate Paulista regionalism to other forms of regionalism found in Brazil.

Esta tese investiga as experiências de sociabilidade negra na região fronteiriça Brasil – Uruguai no pós-abolição. Tem como objeto central os clubes negros criados entre as décadas de 10 e 40 do século XX, cujas expressões estão nas seguintes cidades e respectivos clubes: Jaguarão ‒ Club 24 de Agosto (1918 – até hoje); Pelotas ‒ Fica AhíPrá Ir Dizendo (1921 - até hoje); Bagé ‒ Os Zíngaros (1936 - até hoje); Palmeira (1948– ?); Melo ‒ Centro Uruguay (1923 – atéhoje).O propósito do trabalho é mapear o processo de racialização vivenciado na fronteira no pós-abolição. O recorte cronológico remonta ao surgimento dos clubes negros no Uruguai e no Rio Grande do Sul/Brasil, em 1872, e avança até a década de 1960. As fontes utilizadas foram, basicamente, imprensa negra, escritas de vivências, depoimentos orais de antigos e antigas associadas e fotografias e aquelas produzidas no âmbito dos clubes. / This thesis investigates the black sociability experiences in the border region Brazil - Uruguay in the post-abolition.Its central purpose is the black clubs created between the decade of 10 and 40 of the twentieth century in the following cities and their respective clubs: Jaguarão–Club24 de Agosto(1918 - until today); Pelotas –FicaAhíPráIrDizendo (1921 - until today); Bagé – OsZíngaros (1936 - to this day), Palmeira (1948 -?); Melo - Centro Uruguay (1923- until today).The purpose of this work is to map the process of racialization experienced on the frontier in post-abolition.Chronologically, the study starts from the emergence of black clubs in Uruguay and Rio Grande do Sul/Brazil, in 1872, and advances until the 1960s.The historical sources used were basically black press, written experiences, oral testimonies of old and former associates and photographs, as well as those produced within the clubs.

Apresento nesta dissertação a pesquisa que realizei sobre as relações entre a paulistanidade e o preconceito contra nordestinos. Exponho como o ideal de superioridade paulista foi historicamente acompanhado por uma narrativa racial, econômica e política que aponta a racionalidade, a branquidade e o mérito como virtudes diferenciais desta população. Apresento, da mesma maneira, a estigmatização dos nordestinos como um fenômeno social de grande alcance, associado à ideia de inaptidão econômica, política e racial imputada a este grupo regional, que aparece com frequência como contraponto da moralidade paulista. Analiso como noções de progresso e civilização, restritivas e racializadas, se adequam e se relacionam de formas distintas a identidades regionais variadas. Trato os regionalismos brasileiros de modo que seja possível investigar a ascensão da questão regional como um processo de racialização e demarcação econômica das populações brasileiras, notadamente simbolizadas por uma gama de marcadores sociais da diferença. Interessa-me entender tanto o caráter homogeneizador das narrativas regionalistas quanto as mobilizações em torno de raça e classe que estas possam abarcar. Focando no caso paulista, apresento o histórico da paulistanidade em torno de uma superioridade que frequentemente se apresentou como questão racial. Da mesma maneira, empreendo uma análise comprometida em averiguar as continuidades e descontinuidades deste regionalismo. A ascensão do discurso da democracia racial com seu consequente padrão de preconceito e discriminação que se estabelece de forma velada é, portanto, um marco importante para esta análise. Para destrinchar estas questões, focalizo a corrente crise política brasileira e os grupos separatistas paulistas que surgiram nesta década (2010). A tese que orienta esta pesquisa é de que a paulistanidade não somente recrudesce em momentos de disputa política, como aparece enquanto perpetradora de uma hierarquia nacional marcada por assimetrias raciais, regionais e de classe. Defendo, deste modo, que a contraposição histórica entre paulistas e nordestinos pode se apresentar como uma narrativa eficaz do conservadorismo nacional. Esta narrativa seria capaz de extrapolar o plano discursivo, possuindo materialidade política notável. Torna-se importante salientar que o regionalismo paulista é pensado de forma relacional aos outros regionalismos brasileiros. / Here, I present a research on the relationship between the paulistanity (ideology which states the existence of a superiority of the people from the Brazilian State of São Paulo i.e. Paulistas) and the discrimination against people from the Northeast region of Brazil. I show that the idea of a Paulista superiority was historically accompanied by a racial, economic, and political narrative that points the rationality, the whiteness, and merit as sources of this alleged superiority. In the same way, I present the Northeastern stigma as a pervasive social phenomenon, constantly associated with the imposed idea of an economic, political, and racial incapacity of this regional population which is often shown as an opposite to the Paulista morality. I analyze how narrow and racial-based notions of progress and civilization differently conform and relate to a variety of geographic regional identities. I analyze the Brazilian regionalisms in a way that allows me to investigate the rise of the regional matter as a process characterized by a wide racialization and an economic delimitation of Brazilian populations, notably characterized by a range of social markers of difference. I try to understand the racial and class aspects of regionalist narratives and I try to understand how regionalist narratives homogenize human groups. Regarding Paulistas case, I present the history of the paulistanity and the associated sense of superiority that has been frequently presented as a racial matter. In the same way, I analyze the permanence and the discontinuity of this regionalism. Accordingly, an important issue for this analysis is the rise of the mythical racial democracy, accompanied by its pattern of prejudice and discrimination, which are stablished in a veiled way. In order to disentangle these questions, I incorporate to my analyses perspectives on the current Brazilian political crisis and perspectives on the Paulista separatists groups that were founded in the 2010s. This research is based on the thesis that the expression of paulistanity would not only enhance during instances of political dispute, but it would also promote a national hierarchy characterized by racial, regional, and class asymmetries. Therefore, I propose that the historical contrast between Paulistas and Northeastern Brazilians can be presented as an efficient narrative of national conservatism. This conservative narrative is not restricted to a speech level, but can also reach notable political materiality. Additionally, it is important to highlight that, in this study, I relate Paulista regionalism to other forms of regionalism found in Brazil.

This project develops extant theories of political affect and relational identification and affinity formation by tracing how the visual images of an understudied archive--American superhero comic books--work to build multiple, alternative, fitful, inchoate, and sometimes radically creative spaces for visions of the political to take shape and develop over time. By analyzing and interpreting the generic superhero phenomenon of origin stories in comic books and by mapping the formal and narrative techniques used to construct origin stories, I show how received understandings of power, order, justice, violence, whiteness, masculinity, and heteronormativity often linger outside of language in an analytically untapped relational space between bodies--the space of political affect. Visual images of superheroes thus do more than take up space within political sign-systems; I argue them as material engines of affect, as engines of potential and usefully critical political identities and affinities. Superhero comic books, a cultural form often disregarded as childish or even ideologically dangerous, are thus recovered in this project as theoretically complex, offering speculative feminisms, anti-racism, and queer temporalities that link these popular objects of visual culture to ongoing traditions of utopianism and foundational revisionism within American political culture.

<p>Symbolic resources transform in to social power and material resources through the educational system. This entails that all students should have equal access to it.</p><p>The essay compares Swedish didactics in “immigrant” and “white” schools, all situated in socio-economically underprivileged areas, analysing interviews with eight Swedish teachers about their didactics regarding restricted and elaborated language code.</p><p>Understanding teacher’s work in the class room requires attention to the intersections between race and class, and of both to the distribution of symbolic resources in general.</p><p>The essay finds that the practice of the” immigrant” school teachers differs from the “white” school teachers’. The former are active, providing intellectual tools, scaffolding and driving force while the later choose a more passive attitude, letting students decide for themselves what to do and what goals to reach. Consequently “white” schools allow the reproduction of unequal distribution of symbolic resources while practice in immigrant schools aim to compensate for disadvantages.</p><p>Practice seems to win legitimacy by different sets of conceptualisations. Immigrant students are envisaged like persons in need of help with low self-esteem and low drive. “White” students are looked upon as self-sufficient hedonists with a “natural” language competence.</p>

<p>The main objective of the thesis is to study how people of African decent experience and deal with everyday discrimination and racism in a context where such racism is to a large degree concealed and/or denied. Everyday racism affecting people with an African background in Sweden is expressed in a number of different, often subtle and obscure, ways. It is experienced in a context of structural inequality between those who are racialized and those who are seen as the norm in society. The mystification that takes place in the public debate highly restricts the opportunities for resistance in an open and articulated manner. This is partly because silence leads to an insecurity about how to understand the racism experienced, for example, should it be defined as “racism” or as a “misunderstanding”? In addition, people who openly resist and protest tend to be discredited as exaggerating or being too sensitive. Consequently, resistance against structural discrimination in Sweden today is difficult. The findings demonstrate that interviewees deal with everyday racism in a variety of ways that can be categorized in to three broad strategies: mystifying the experiences of racism in one’s everyday life, longing for a place or context far away from Swedish racism and finally, keeping racism at a distance, including resisting and protesting within the existing limitations.</p>

The main objective of the thesis is to study how people of African decent experience and deal with everyday discrimination and racism in a context where such racism is to a large degree concealed and/or denied. Everyday racism affecting people with an African background in Sweden is expressed in a number of different, often subtle and obscure, ways. It is experienced in a context of structural inequality between those who are racialized and those who are seen as the norm in society. The mystification that takes place in the public debate highly restricts the opportunities for resistance in an open and articulated manner. This is partly because silence leads to an insecurity about how to understand the racism experienced, for example, should it be defined as “racism” or as a “misunderstanding”? In addition, people who openly resist and protest tend to be discredited as exaggerating or being too sensitive. Consequently, resistance against structural discrimination in Sweden today is difficult. The findings demonstrate that interviewees deal with everyday racism in a variety of ways that can be categorized in to three broad strategies: mystifying the experiences of racism in one’s everyday life, longing for a place or context far away from Swedish racism and finally, keeping racism at a distance, including resisting and protesting within the existing limitations.

Symbolic resources transform in to social power and material resources through the educational system. This entails that all students should have equal access to it. The essay compares Swedish didactics in “immigrant” and “white” schools, all situated in socio-economically underprivileged areas, analysing interviews with eight Swedish teachers about their didactics regarding restricted and elaborated language code. Understanding teacher’s work in the class room requires attention to the intersections between race and class, and of both to the distribution of symbolic resources in general. The essay finds that the practice of the” immigrant” school teachers differs from the “white” school teachers’. The former are active, providing intellectual tools, scaffolding and driving force while the later choose a more passive attitude, letting students decide for themselves what to do and what goals to reach. Consequently “white” schools allow the reproduction of unequal distribution of symbolic resources while practice in immigrant schools aim to compensate for disadvantages. Practice seems to win legitimacy by different sets of conceptualisations. Immigrant students are envisaged like persons in need of help with low self-esteem and low drive. “White” students are looked upon as self-sufficient hedonists with a “natural” language competence.