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The purpose of this paper is to identify the underlying factors of the conflict between Christians and Muslims in the Central African Republic (CAR) that started in 2013. It is argued that political factors played an important role in the coup d'état that ousted President Francois Bozize - the event that marked the start of the civil war. Social factors were mainly responsible for how the civil war turned into sectarian violence. Furthermore, it is argued that a number of economic factors did not directly cause the sectarian violence, but instead contributed to the length of the conflict. The way broader factors contributed to the conflict (the CAR's weakened state and lawlessness for instance) are also discussed.

Este trabalho pretende investigar algumas das relações que se estabelecem, no campo religioso brasileiro, entre umbanda e Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD). Para além do discurso demonizador neopentecostal, que classifica as religiões afrobrasileiras como \"coisa do diabo\", acredito haver diversas trocas simbólicas entre essas denominações que, a princípio, parecem tão distantes. A etnografia estará estruturada de forma a mostrar, inicialmente, o funcionamento interno desses dois sistemas religiosos - atentando para suas cosmologias e estruturas rituais. Em seguida, será abordado o intenso intercâmbio simbólico que se estabelece entre eles. Será dedicada especial atenção a determinados símbolos que são fundamentais para compreender o relacionamento dessas religiões: os exus e as pombagiras são os melhores exemplos. Finalmente, serão discutidas questões que poderiam ser consideradas mais \"espinhosas\" no que diz respeito ao relacionamento entre umbanda e IURD: notadamente, as polêmicas sobre a intolerância e o preconceito no campo religioso brasileiro. / This work intends to investigate some of the relations that have been established, in the Brazilian religious field, between Umbanda and the Universal Church of The Kingdoom of God. Beyond the neopentecostal accusations of devilishness, that set Afro-Brazilian religions as \"devil-like\", I believe there are some symbolic exchange between these two religions that, at first, seem so far apart. The ethnography is set in a way to display, initially, the internal working of these two religious systems - looking into their cosmologies and ritual structures. Then, the intense exchanges set between them will be approached. Specific attention will be given to particular symbols that are crucial to understand the relationship of these religions: the exus and the pombagiras are the best examples. Finally, some questions concerning the relationship between Umbanda and the Universal Church that could be considered more \"delicate\" will be discussed: the polemics about intolerance and prejudice in the field of religion in Brazil.

The number of conflicts with religious dimensions has been steadily increasing over the last few decades. Previous research has found that religious conflicts are less likely to end by mediation whilst little research has been done as to what makes them initiate mediation. Building upon Ripeness Theory, this paper argues that the religious component makes religious parties less sensitive towards mutually hurting stalemates, but not immune to them, due to their heterogenous nature. This proposition is analysed by examining the empirical pattern of mediation onset in conflicts over religious incompatibilities using a logistic regression analysis. The findings suggest that higher numbers of average battle-related deaths, together with the duration of conflict and presence of crude oil reserves, increase the likelihood of mediation onset, whilst differentiations in centrality of a religious goal or religious identity divides have no statistically significant effect.

Este trabalho pretende investigar algumas das relações que se estabelecem, no campo religioso brasileiro, entre umbanda e Igreja Universal do Reino de Deus (IURD). Para além do discurso demonizador neopentecostal, que classifica as religiões afrobrasileiras como \"coisa do diabo\", acredito haver diversas trocas simbólicas entre essas denominações que, a princípio, parecem tão distantes. A etnografia estará estruturada de forma a mostrar, inicialmente, o funcionamento interno desses dois sistemas religiosos - atentando para suas cosmologias e estruturas rituais. Em seguida, será abordado o intenso intercâmbio simbólico que se estabelece entre eles. Será dedicada especial atenção a determinados símbolos que são fundamentais para compreender o relacionamento dessas religiões: os exus e as pombagiras são os melhores exemplos. Finalmente, serão discutidas questões que poderiam ser consideradas mais \"espinhosas\" no que diz respeito ao relacionamento entre umbanda e IURD: notadamente, as polêmicas sobre a intolerância e o preconceito no campo religioso brasileiro. / This work intends to investigate some of the relations that have been established, in the Brazilian religious field, between Umbanda and the Universal Church of The Kingdoom of God. Beyond the neopentecostal accusations of devilishness, that set Afro-Brazilian religions as \"devil-like\", I believe there are some symbolic exchange between these two religions that, at first, seem so far apart. The ethnography is set in a way to display, initially, the internal working of these two religious systems - looking into their cosmologies and ritual structures. Then, the intense exchanges set between them will be approached. Specific attention will be given to particular symbols that are crucial to understand the relationship of these religions: the exus and the pombagiras are the best examples. Finally, some questions concerning the relationship between Umbanda and the Universal Church that could be considered more \"delicate\" will be discussed: the polemics about intolerance and prejudice in the field of religion in Brazil.

Thesis (MA)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The horrific terrorist attacks on the World Trade Center and the Pentagon, in America, and the bombing of a nightclub in Bali, Indonesia, have forced may people to seriously consider the impact of religion on political conflict. This literature review readdresses the serious neglect of religion in political studies by examining the three theoretical approaches to religion and political conflict, on the domestic and international level, that can be identified. Primordialists argue that differences in religious traditions should be viewed as one of the most important factors in explaining violent interactions in and between nations. They stress how differences in cultural identity and cosmologies can lead to violent conflict in and between nations. They illustrate how the deep malaise of modem secular society is leading to a backlash of alternative worldviews. This approach is culturally too simplistic in not providing a complex enough framework for understanding the dynamic social forces that constitute cultural identity. Instrumentalists admit that conflicts might be aggravated by diverging religious creeds but are rarel y if ever caused by them; instead most conflicts are about power and wealth. They emphasize the role played by political entrepreneurs, who use religion as an instrument to further their own goals. This approach is guilty of the other extreme - downplaying the role of religion and culture. Constructivists regard social conflicts as being embedded in cognitive structures like ideology, religion, nationalism and ethnicity. Constructivists can theorize about cultural identity, social structures, actors and forces together with the material world of power and wealth and are therefore best suited to give an adequate description of religion and political conflict. Despite its great promise constructivism still needs to step up to the board and deliver theories about religion and political conflict. The serious neglect of religion in political studies needs to be addressed and the most likely framework within which to do so seems to be constructivism. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die skokkende terroriste aanvalle op die World Trade Center en die Pentagon in Amerika en die bom in 'n nagklub in Bali, Indonesië, het baie mense gedwing om die impak van godsdiens op politieke konflik ernstig te oorweeg. Die literatuuroorsig herondersoek die ernstige verwaarloosing van godsdiens in politieke wetenskap weer eens, deur te kyk na die drie benaderings wat ten opsigte van godsdiens en politieke konflik, op plaaslike en internasionale vlak geïdentifiseer kan word. Primordialiste glo dat verskille tussen gosdienstradisies gesien moet word as een van die vernaamste faktore vir politieke konflik binne en tussen nasies. Hulle beklemtoon die wyse waarop verskille in kulturele identiteit en kosmologie kan bydra tot gewelddadige konflik binne en tussen nasies. Hulle illustreer verder hoe die diep malaise van die moderne sekulêre samelewing besig is om te lei tot 'n teenreaksie van alternatiewe wêreldbeskouings. Die benadering is egter kultureel gesproke te simplisties deurdat dit nie 'n raamwerk kan skep wat kompleks genoeg is ten einde die dinamies sosiale kragte wat kulturele identiteit vorm, te verstaan nie. Instrumentaliste gee toe dat politieke konflik dalk deur uiteenloopende godsdienstige tradisies vererger kan word, maar dat dit selde indien ooit daardeur veroorsaak word. Inteendeel, die meeste konflik handel steeds oor mag en rykdom. Hulle beklemtoon die rol wat gespeel word deur politieke entrepreneurs, wat geloof as 'n instrument gebruik in die bevordering van hulle eie doelwitte. Die benadering is skuldig aan die ander uiterste - die rol van kultuur en godsdiens word as minder belangrik beskou. Konstruktiviste beskou sosiale konflik as gewortel in kognitiewe strukture soos ideologie, godsdiens, nasionalisme en etnisiteit. Konstruktiviste kan teoretiseer oor kulturele identiteit, sosiale strukture, akteurs en kragte saam met die materiële wêreld wat bestaan uit mag en rykdom, en is daarom die beste geskik om 'n voldoende beskrywing te gee van godsdiens en politieke konflik. Ten spyte van die belowende potensiaal van konstruktivisme moet die perspektief nog begin om teorieë oor godsdiens en politieke konflik te verskaf. Die ernstige verwaarloosing van godsdiens in politieke wetenskap moet ondersoek word en die beste benadering hiervoor blyk konstruktivisme te wees.

This study examined religious and sexual identity conflict and gay-related stress, and how they are related to difficulty with LGB identity formation and mental health outcomes. A sample of 172 adolescents and emerging adults were recruited as part of a larger research project. Study participants ranged in age from 14 to 26 years, and identified as lesbian, gay, or bisexual. Descriptive information was collected regarding religious identity and religious/sexual identity conflict in the sample. Additionally, a model was tested that examined LGB identity difficulty as a potential mediator of the relationships between a) religious conflict and mental health, and b) gay-related stress and mental health. The Religious, Spiritual, and Sexual Identities Questionnaire was created to assess religious/spiritual identity and religious and sexual identity conflict. The Measure of Gay-Related Stress was used to measure gay-related stress. The Lesbian, Gay, and Bisexual Identity Scale was used to measure LGB identity difficulty. The Behavior Assessment System for Children was used to measure mental health. Adequate fit for the model was found after removing direct paths from religious/sexual identity conflict and gay-related stress to mental health, indicating that LGB identity difficulty fully accounted for these two relationships. These findings are clinically important as they emphasize the importance of LGB identity difficulty in examining mental health outcomes related to religious conflict and gay-related stress.

Decentralisation and federalism are often said to mitigate conflict by better meeting the preferences of a heterogeneous population and demands for limited autonomy. But it is argued in this thesis that this perspective does not sufficiently address the ways in which conflict-ridden relations entangle processes across different scales ‒ local, regional as well as national. The aim of this thesis is to explain how it is that while decentralisation may contribute to national stability, it may simultaneously generate local conflict. This problem is analysed through a conflict in Kaduna State in north-central Nigeria where there have been outbreaks of violence between Hausa-Fulani Muslims and Christians of different ethnicities since the 1980s. Christian ethnic groups claim to be excluded from state benefits, while Muslim groups claim that Christians have undue influence over the state bureaucracy. The conflict feeds off ethnic and religious mobilisation. Expanded local political space further fuelled the conflict following the decentralisation that came with the shift from military to civilian rule in 1999. Decentralisation in Nigeria implies that the authorities should be associated with the majority ethnicity or religion in a specific territory. A localisation of politics accordingly raises the stakes in identity-based conflicts, especially as control of local institutions is necessary for inclusion in wider political processes. In Kaduna, this has led to demands for separating the state on a religious and ethnic basis. Actors make use of “scalar politics” to conform to or challenge boundaries set by the state. Social relations are associated with different boundaries.  Accordingly, decentralisation triggers conflicts on an identity basis, involving contestation over the hierarchy of scales. While national struggles between ethnic and religious groups may be subdued, conflicts play out locally as decentralisation in Nigeria makes religion and ethnicity a powerful tool for political mobilisation. / <p>At the time of the doctoral defense, the following paper was unpublished and had a status as follows: Paper 2: Manuscript.</p>

This study, which is entitled, “Elizabeth I and the 1559 Act of Uniformity: A Study of the Impact of Gender Roles and Religious Conflict” analyzes the impact of 16th century gender roles and religious conflict to explain the decision of Elizabeth I, Queen of England from 1558 – 1603, to champion the passage of the Act of Uniformity through Parliament in 1559. Through the analysis of primary sources, specifically Elizabeth’s letters from her childhood through the Act’s passing in 1559, an understanding of these influences on Elizabeth is developed which illuminates important turning points in her life and the subsequent development of her personal desire to mitigate religious conflict in England and to bring unity to her people. The analysis was conducted through the use of historical analysis of primary sources in combination with the use of Narrative Thematic Analysis in order to discover themes within the sources. The themes which emerged then offered insight into Elizabeth’s personal development and her decisions regarding the Act of Uniformity. The focus of this dissertation is guided by the context of 16th century gender roles and the 16th century Protestant Reformation which ultimately laid the foundation for Elizabeth’s birth and directly influenced her education as well as religious and personal development. The impact of gender roles and the expectations placed upon Elizabeth is intertwined with the subsequent religious conflict Elizabeth witnessed in England from her birth. The results focus on illustrating areas of conflict in the 16th century and how each area of conflict is relevant to comprehend if there is to be success in altering the path of both gender conflict and religious conflict in the modern era.

The collective nature of group affiliation may inhibit an individual from exhibiting prosocial behavior regarding acts of religiously-motivated terror. This study's purpose was to investigate the nature of bystander intervention as it relates to religious group affiliation. Darley and Latane's bystander effect theory provided the theoretical framework for this study. The research questions examined the impact of religious group affiliation and group size on the dependent variables of civic moral disengagement (CMD) and commitment to the war on terror (CWT). Three validated survey instruments were administered to a random participant pool of 206 respondents. An ANCOVA and Spearman's rho correlation were employed to address the research questions. Findings revealed that neither religious group affiliation nor group size significantly predicts either CWT or CMD after controlling for the degree of religious commitment. Further research should test alternative theories associated with leadership and group dynamics. Positive social change is advanced by acknowledging that bystanders to acts of terrorism may not be influenced by factors such as group affiliation or size of religious group affiliations. These findings underscore the complexity of the relationship between behavior and religious affiliation. Policy makers and future researchers may benefit by redirecting their focus for prevention and intervention toward influences such as the motivational dynamic between religious leaders and their followers.