This study examines the view of the people, unemployed in the city of Växjö during the period from 1820 to 1860. The focuses are on the perspective in which these people where seen by the municipal executive board in the city of Växjö.   The result of this study shows that the rulers had a conservative wiev of them who were unemployed. Usually, the meaning was that their situation was only caused by their own laziness. Starting “Workinghouse” was the best way solving the problem with them who were unemployed, was the common opinion in the view of the rulers.

The aim of this study has been to analyze the current Swedish drug policy discussion in mass media. In the discussion several different dividing lines are drawn up which highlights different standpoints in the drug policy. The study's methodological starting point is qualitative text analysis and analysis from the third dimension which entails that the macrolevel perspective is in focus. The study's theoretical referens frame originates from the problemperspective and the labeling theory. The results are showing that the dividing lines in the discussion are about the different points of view; harm reduction or prohibition. This is connected to the current drug policy debate about a decriminalization and legalization, or if Sweden should continue to keep a prohibition drug policy. In the discussion decriminalization is presented as a solution which would open up for the insertion of new harm reduction strategies, while a prohibition politic is considered to have a preventative effect on the whole population. The drug problems are complex which in turn make them really be about socioeconomical factors, class distinctions, stigmatization and labeling. The conclusion is that we stand before a possible change, that would mean parting from the prohibiton drug policy that is very firmly cemented in our society. The topical drug policy discussion in mass media is dominated by participants that advocate a conversion of the current drug policy which could be seen as an indicator that change is forthcoming. However, at the same time there is unwillingness amongst leading politicians in Sweden to open up for transformation which could amount to the Swedish drug policy to continue to be as it is. / Syftet med denna studie har varit att analysera aktuell svensk narkotikapolitisk debatt i massmedia. I debatten dras ett antal skiljelinjer upp som markerar olika narkotikapolitiska ståndpunkter. Studiens metodologiska utgångspunkt är kvalitativ textanalys och analys ur tredje dimensionen, vilket innebär att makroperspektivet är i fokus. Studiens teoretiska referensram utgår från problemperspektiv och stämplingsteorin.  Resultatet visar på att skiljelinjerna i debatten markeras av de olika synsätten om skademinimering eller prohibition. Detta har ett samband med den pågående narkotikapolitiska diskussionen i massmedia om avkriminalisering och legalisering eller om Sverige ska fortsätta driva en repressiv narkotikapolitik. I den massmediala debatten framställs avkriminalisering som en lösning som skulle kunna öppna upp för införandet av nya skademinimerande insatser, medan en repressiv politik anses ha en preventiv effekt på befolkningen i helhet. Narkotikaproblematiken är komplex, vilket gör att problematiken egentligen tycks handla om socioekonomiska faktorer, klasskillnader, stämpling och stigma.  Slutsatsen är att vi står inför ett eventuellt skifte inom svensk narkotikapolitik, vilket skulle innebära ett avsteg från den repressiva narkotikapolitiken. Den aktuella narkotikapolitiska debatten i massmedia domineras av aktörer som förespråkar en förändring av nuvarande narkotikapolitik, detta skulle kunna ses som en indikator på att en förändring är på gång. Samtidigt finns det en ovillighet bland ledande politiker att öppna upp för en förändring, vilket likväl kan innebära att den svenska narkotikapolitiken fortsättningsvis kommer förbli oförändrad.

In this essay I investigate the role of civil society in relation to migrants in the municipality of Kalix, in a rural area in northern Sweden. The purpose is to discover which subject positions that leaders from the civil society describe as possible and which positions they see as possible for migrants. I also want to see which discourses the leaders from the civil associations are a part of and contribute to. The material comes from interviews completed with people involved in civil society and from meetings, organized by the municipality and with participants from civil associations, discussing the subject. The method used is discourse analysis, influenced by Laclau and Mouffes theory about discourses. Foucault´s theory of governmentality is used to examine how civil society and migrants are affected by state control. This control manifests in control mechanisms such as the Swedish government’s establishment program, legislation about migrants rights and economic grants. The analysis is supported by earlier research and theories about multiculturalism and rights. The leaders mainly moved within four discourses: ´multicultural´, ´repressive liberalism´, ´rural preservation´ and ´quality of life and humanity´. The multicultural discourse had a positive view of cultural and religious differences. This discourse made the subject positions of organizer of cultural activities possible for the leaders. Migrants were described as having the position of representatives of specific cultural groups and as group members in need of extra support. The repressive liberalism discourse viewed difference as something negative. The goal was for migrants to be assimilated into the local culture. The leaders adopted the role of tutors. Migrants were described as occupying the subject positions of employment oriented, able to assimilate, and as representatives of all immigrant people. In the discourse about ‘rural preservation’ activities were motivated by goals for a bright future for Kalix. The leaders’ subject positions were understood as coordinators, mentors and debaters. Migrants were understood as competent in particular professions and as desirable long term residents of Kalix. Governmental Control mechanics were considered to be something that limited migrants’ possibilities. The quality of life and humanity discourse has the goal that everyone shall have the possibility to live a good life. The leaders adopted the role as creators of safety and confidence and migrants were considered to be both victims of unfair regulation that limited their legitimacy, and as developers of civil associations. There were antagonisms between the discourses about rights/justice, integration and culture. Because of these conflicts the activities are striving towards different goals and consider different phenomena to be obstacles. Cooperation and the possibilities of getting along are therefore made difficult. Both these antagonisms and the governmental control mechanisms affect which activities can be performed and thereby which subjects positions that are made possible.