[pt] A antropologia teológica busca focalizar o ser humano e suas dimensões a partir da realidade da fé em Jesus Cristo. Com interesse especial nessa busca, nos propomos, dentro de uma ótica sistemático-pastoral, investigar a possibilidade de superação do problema conhecido como dualismo antropológico no interior do movimento pentecostal brasileiro, a partir da caracterização de suas representações mais influentes no cenário nacional atualmente, tanto do chamado pentecostalismo clássico, como do neopentecostalismo. Para a análise de conceituação e identificação do dualismo, e ainda para o critério de assimilação da antropologia teológica de integração, oposta ao dualismo, toma-se como principal referência teórica a obra do teólogo espanhol radicado no Brasil, Alfonso García Rubio, dada a sua relevância e experiência no assunto em questão. Com isto, pretendemos chegar ao fim da pesquisa oferecendo uma perspectiva não somente teórica, mas principalmente prática, para o segmento cristão estudado, a fim de que se perceba sua possibilidade real de superação do dualismo constatado. / [en] The theological anthropology seeks to focus on the human being and its dimensions from the reality of faith in Jesus Christ. With special interest in this search, we propose, within a systematic and pastoral perspective, investigating the possibility of overcoming the problem knows as anthropological dualism within the Brazilian Pentecostal movement, from the characterization of its most influential representatives in the national scene today, both the so-called classical Pentecostalism as the neo-Pentecostalism. For the analysis of the concepts and identification of dualism, and yet for the criterion of assimilation of theological anthropology integration, as opposed to dualism is taken as main theoretical reference work by the Spanish theologian living in Brazil, Alfonso García Rubio, given its relevance and experience in the subject matter. With this, we aim to get to the end of the research offering not only theoretical, but mostly practical perspective for the Christian segment studied in the order to realize who your real chance of overcoming the dualism found.

Existe un extendido consenso sobre la pérdida de hegemonía literaria en el contexto de una sociedad que gira en torno a los medios masivos de comunicación y las nuevas tecnologías. En ese sentido, en el año 2006 Josefina Ludmer puso en cuestión el estatuto mismo de la literatura y proclamó, para cierta producción contemporánea, un estado postautónomo. Retomando ciertos preceptos que ya habían esbozado con anterioridad críticos como Fredric Jameson (1992) o Walter Benjamin (1987) [1928], Ludmer trabaja sobre la idea de la disolución de una esfera autónoma para la producción estética, con la consiguiente expansión de la cultura (y específicamente de la literatura) por el terreno social de manera diaspórica. Atendiendo ese estado de situación, proponemos examinar el diálogo entre la literatura del presente y las tecnologías mediáticas, específicamente la televisión e internet. En el contexto de “una ecología cultural y social muy modificada” (Laddaga, 2010) en relación con la modernidad, donde los lenguajes artísticos salen fuera de los límites de sus campos específicos, nos interesa cierta peculiaridad intermediática que se revela como una constante en un amplio margen de la producción literaria contemporánea. El corpus de análisis está compuesto por una serie de textos heterogéneos de Alejandro Rubio, Sergio Bizzio, Alejandro López, Daniel Link, Ezequiel Alemian, Charly Gradin, Juan José Mendoza, Pablo Katchadjian, Gustavo Romano, Fabio Doctorovich y Ciro Múseres. A partir del concepto de “alteridad del texto” que Hans-Georg Gadamer plantea en Verdad y Método (1977) adoptamos la idea de “diálogo” como premisa teórica general. Asimismo, tomamos de Michel De Certeau (2000) las pautas para una comprensión del fenómeno de la lectura que no se limite al espacio de la mera recepción, a partir de la idea de diálogo como práctica activa. Paralelamente nos proponemos marcar las líneas de continuidad y ruptura con respecto a revoluciones técnicas del pasado siguiendo hipótesis de otra zona del aparato teórico que está referido a la relación entre arte y tecnología. Dicha zona se conforma por dos grandes bloques: por un lado, Walter Benjamin (1987) [1928] y Theodor Adorno (1998) [1947] como exponentes asociados con la escuela de Frankfurt, y por el otro, Marjorie Perloff (2009) (2010), Kenneth Goldsmith (2011), David Joselit (2013), Jerome McGann (2001), entre otros, como emergentes de una crítica más cercana en el tiempo. La delimitación de los dispositivos teóricos está en función de analizar cómo las relaciones identificadas con la modernidad entre la tecnología y la esfera estética se replantean en el contexto presente; en particular se enfoca en la mediatización del contenido por la forma, el montaje sincrónico, la fragmentación, el germen de lo reproductivo, el énfasis material del arte y la construcción de una lengua novedosa en su cruce con lo tecnológico. / There is a widespread consensus on the loss of literary hegemony in the context of a society that revolves around the mass media and the new technologies. In this regard, in 2006 Josefina Ludmer questioned the status itself of literature and proclaimed, for some contemporary production, a post-autonomous state. Retaking certain precepts that had previously been sketched by critics as Fredric Jameson (1992) or Walter Benjamin (1987) [1928], Ludmer works on the idea of the dissolution of an autonomous sphere for aesthetic production, with the consequent expansion of culture (and specifically of literature), on the social field in a diasporic way. Attending to this state of affairs, we propose to examine the dialogue between current literature and media technologies, specifically television and the internet. In the context of a “social and cultural ecology heavily modified” (Laddaga, 2010) regarding to modernity, where artistic languages exceed the limits of their specific fields, we are particularly interested in an intermedia peculiarity that reveals itself as a constant over a wide range of contemporary literary production. The corpus of analysis is composed of a series of heterogeneous texts from: Alejandro Rubio, Sergio Bizzio, Alejandro Lopez, Daniel Link, Ezequiel Alemian, Charly Gradin, Juan José Mendoza, Pablo Katchadjian, Gustavo Romano, Fabio Doctorovich and Ciro Múseres. Starting from the concept of “otherness of the text”, that Hans-Georg Gadamer raises in Truth and Method (1977) we adopt the idea of “dialogue” as a general theoretical premise. Also, we take from Michel De Certeau (2000) his guidelines for an understanding of the phenomenon of reading, which is not limited to the space of mere reception, starting from the idea of dialogue as an active practice. In parallel, we intend to mark the lines of continuity and break regarding the technical revolutions of the past following hypothesis of another zone of the theoretical apparatus which is based on the relationship between art and technology. Such zone is formed by two large blocks: on one side, Walter Benjamin (1987) [1928] and Theodor Adorno (1998) [1947], as associated exponents from the Frankfurt School, and on the other, Marjorie Perloff (2009) (2010), Kenneth Goldsmith (2011), David Joselit (2013), Jerome McGann (2001), among others, as emergent exponents of a criticism closer in time. The delimitation of theoretical devices is based on analyzing how the relationships identified with modernity between technology and the esthetic sphere are reframed in this context: it focuses specifically on content mediatization by form, synchronic montage; fragmentation, reproductive germ, art material emphasis and the construction of a new language in its intersection with technology.

This thesis investigates the discourse patterns of Donald Trump, Marco Rubio, and Jeb Bush during the Republican primary campaign from August 2015 through January 2016. The goal of this study is to identify differences among the candidates’ discourse patterns, particularly those distinct to the discourse style of Donald Trump, on the basis of a newly compiled corpus from their respective debates and speeches. This corpus analysis reveals differences in terms of readability and lexical choice that distinguish the speech style of Donald Trump from Jeb Bush and Marco Rubio and identifies metaphors utilized by Donald Trump. Drawing heavily from the research of Charles Fillmore and George Lakoff, this study also illustrates the importance of metaphors and frames within political discourse, and the corpus analysis of Republican candidates during the 2016 election provides clear evidence that candidates use frames and metaphors to create a unique profile. / Includes bibliography. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2016. / FAU Electronic Theses and Dissertations Collection

Emotion acts as a primer for our memory retention and encoding processes. In the 2016 election, we saw an increase in negative or hostile rhetoric from candidates. I argue this is due to the use of Twitter and the physical representation of engagement. This paper examines the effect of enthusiasm, anxiety, and hostility in response to political tweets. Tweets from Republican presidential candidates, Donald Trump, Ted Cruz, and Marco Rubio were analyzed for emotional response content to explore mean differences in retweets from the three emotions.

What explains the difference between the county level vote received by President Donald Trump and U.S. Senator Marco Rubio in the 2016 Florida general election? Over the last couple of decades, Florida has earned a reputation for being a highly competitive state that impacts control of the White House and congress. As Florida’s electorate becomes increasingly diverse, will the Democratic Party begin to win more often as their usual base grows, or will the Republican Party figure out a way to remain competitive? The 2016 general election presents an opportunity to analyze the structure of support for two Republican candidates who represent different paths for the future of the Republican Party: Trump, who won Florida by just one percent, and seemingly alienated Hispanics and women with his comments and policy proposals; or Rubio, who won by about eight percent, a Cuban-American thought to be a fresh voice for the GOP and a bridge to Hispanic voters. Regression analysis is used to examine support for Trump and Rubio and also the difference in support between the candidates. The results indicate Trump did better in counties with larger percentages of lower educated whites, lower income households, and higher unemployment rate. Rubio performed better than Trump in counties with larger numbers of Cuban and non-Cuban Hispanics, women, and voters not registered with either major party. These results suggest that Democrats may gain ground in Florida over time if the Trump wing of the GOP takes over the party and if current population trends continue.

Over the last sixty years, voting patterns in the United States have changed dramatically, and this is especially true in the state of Florida. Though there is some literature in the field of political science that outlines the voting and election history of Florida and identifies some trends, this literature is extremely limited and is not comprehensive of the data that is available up to the present day. This study seeks to find Florida’s voting patterns and to explain how they can be understood by both the casual observer and the political scientist. To do so, unique methodology was applied that used the "relative margin" of both a county and a region in a particular election to give the Democratic nominee’s performance context both in the election in question and in history, by comparing the actual margin of victory or defeat of the Democratic nominee to the statewide margin of victory or defeat. This was an illuminating process that ultimately revealed some truths about the election history of Florida: the counties and regions most likely to vote for Democratic nominees in the 1950s and early 1960 are now among the least likely to do so, and the counties and regions most likely to vote for Republican nominees in the 1950s and early 1960s are now considered to be "swing" or "tossup" areas that are regularly and alternatively won by Democratic and Republican nominees. Additionally, the pattern of each region in how it voted in presidential elections was compared to forty seven other states in the country to provide further context as to how the election patterns can be understood in context.