Esta Dissertação analisa a elaboração e a repercussão da Convenção de 1817, assinada pelo governo inglês e português. Adicionando artigos ao Tratado de 1815, que proibiu o tráfico de escravos ao norte do Equador, o ajuste bilateral de 1817 previa o direito de visita recíproco da marinha de guerra de ambas as nações e a formação de tribunais mistos (comissões) para julgar os traficantes que ignorassem a determinação do Tratado de 1815. A partir da Convenção, este trabalho pretende reavaliar o papel dos embaixadores lusitanos diante do corpo diplomático britânico; compreender as decisões elaboradas por D. João em relação ao tráfico de escravos; e indicar algumas das linhas do debate político em torno do futuro da Monarquia portuguesa no final da década de 1810. / This study analyzes the arranging and the impact of the Convention of 1817, signed by the English and Portuguese governments. Adding articles to the Treaty of 1815, which forbade the slave trade north of the Equator, the bilateral arrangement of 1817 established the reciprocal Right of Search of warships and Mixed Courts (Commissions) in order to judge Slavers who had ignored the commitment of Treaty of 1815. From the time of the Convention, this work intends to reevaluate the deal between Portuguese ambassadors and British diplomacy; to better understand the decisions decreed by D. João in respects to the slave trade; and to point out some of the aspects of political debates concerning the future of the Portuguese Monarchy, during the sojourn of the Real Court in Rio de Janeiro at the end of the decade of 1810.

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Charles Tyng has been heralded as an American hero after the posthumous publication of his memoir, Before the Wind: The Memoir of an American Sea Captain, 1808-1833, in 1999. Recent research involving British Treasury report books from the nineteenth century suggest otherwise – that Tyng actively promoted and was engaged in the illicit trade of African captives. A Boston Brahmin, Tyng applied the lessons of his time at sea with Perkins & Company, the opium trading firm, to his occupation as an agent of notorious slave trading firms in Havana. This paper uses as evidence records of the captures of several vessels that implicate Tyng directly in equipping ships for the slave trade to correct the historical record and exposing a supposed hero as a predatory capitalist ignoring ethics for financial gain.

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Ce mémoire a pour objectif d’analyser et de répertorier les productions historiographiques sur la race et le racisme dans l’Atlantique français au XVIIIe siècle. À travers nos lectures, nous avons pu constater que l’historiographie sur les colonies françaises, de plus en plus abondante, et l’approche privilégiant l’espace atlantique ont pris beaucoup d’importance depuis les vingt dernières années et cela a grandement influencé notre choix de diviser les productions historiographiques en trois catégories qui seront les trois chapitres de ce mémoire. Dans un premier temps, nous traiterons des travaux portant plus spécifiquement sur la race et le racisme où nous présenterons le débat quant à l’origine temporelle du racisme. Par la suite, nous présenterons certains travaux en histoire de l’esclavage dans l’Atlantique français qui relient le développement de l’esclavage et celui de la pensée raciale. Finalement, nous aborderons la question du racisme dans la métropole française au XVIIIe siècle en analysant les études qui ont été faites sur les questions des minorités noires et juives en France ainsi que les études sur la question coloniale à l’heure de la Révolution française. Par ailleurs, nous allons aussi présenter le désaccord qu’il y a entre les historiens quant à l’authenticité de la croyance des philosophes des Lumières en leur idéologie prônant la tolérance. Avec les nouvelles productions en histoire atlantique, il est évident que la conception de la race en France est le résultat d’une multitude de facteurs : culturels, scientifiques, économiques et politiques. / This thesis aims to analyse and categorize the historiography on race and racism in the French Atlantic in the eighteenth century. The increasing weight of historical productions on the colonies and especially on the French Atlantic in the past 20 years is clear and influenced our decision to divide the historiography into three categories corresponding to the three chapters of this thesis. First, we will discuss the work relating more specifically to race and racism and present the debate concerning the period in which racism first arose. Second, we will present historical works on the intersection of slavery and race in the French Atlantic. Finally, we will address the issue of racism in the French metropolis in the eighteenth century by analyzing studies concerning Black and Jewish minorities in France, on political debates during the French Revolution and on race in Enlightenment thought. Taken together, these studies show that ideas about race in France were the result of a multitude of factors, from scientific and intellectual to economic and political.

This thesis consists of an analysis of the works of two Cuban authors of the first half of the 19th Century, Francisco de Arango y Parreño and José Antonio Saco. This paper focuses on their works, mainly on those that discuss the topic of slavery. The first chapter introduces the evolution of slavery and its end throughout the Word and in Cuba, focusing on the development of the Cuban society in the 19th century, in which both of the authors lived and created. The second chapter analyses the works of Francisco de Arango y Parreño, his gradual development of ideas and views on the subject in connection with historical events that influenced his works. The third chapter is comprised of similar analysis of José Antonio Saco's works. The conclusion compares the works of both authors and highlights the points in which their views coincide or diverge. Key words: Francisco de Arango y Parreño, José Antonio Saco, slavery, slave trade, abolitionism, sugarcane, Cuba, 1st half of the 19th cent.

Ce travail de thèse a pour but d’étudier le degré d’implication des Écossais dans le système esclavagiste britannique graduellement mis en place dans les colonies du Nouveau Monde à partir du XVIIe siècle. Dans la lignée de publications récentes témoignant d’un intérêt grandissant pour la question, il vise à mettre au jour un pan problématique de l’histoire écossaise, qui trouve un écho particulier dans les discussions actuelles sur l’identité nationale écossaise. Cette thèse s’attarde ainsi sur le rôle particulier joué par les Écossais dans le développement économique de la traite négrière et au sein des sociétés esclavagistes des Antilles britanniques. Ce travail de recherche s’intéresse également à l’émergence des idées abolitionnistes en Grande-Bretagne au début du XIXe siècle et à la place des Écossais dans ce grand débat sociétal. L’enjeu de cette thèse est de déterminer s’il existait une spécificité de comportement, d’idéologie, dans le rôle joué par les Écossais au sein du système esclavagiste et dans les campagnes abolitionnistes dans le contexte impérial post-Union. Cette démarche ne s’inscrit pas dans la volonté clivante de singulariser les Écossais, mais de remettre en question l’homogénéité des notions d’« esclavagisme britannique » et d’ « abolitionnisme britannique ». Selon une approche chronologique, ce travail de recherche s’organise en trois mouvements. La première partie s’articule autour de la genèse d’une idéologie impériale écossaise, s’appuyant sur une conception économique esclavagiste. La seconde partie s’attarde sur la réalité du système esclavagiste dans les colonies et la place des colons écossais tandis que la dernière partie revient sur l’apport philosophique, idéologique et politique des Écossais dans les campagnes abolitionnistes britanniques et sur leur inclusion dans un projet à l’identité britannique très affirmée. / This dissertation explores the scope of the Scottish involvement in the British slave system that was implemented in the colonies of the New World from the 17th century onwards. In the wake of recent research revealing a growing interest for this specific issue, it aims at examining a problematic aspect of Scotland’s history, shedding some new light on the current debate about national identity in Scotland. This thesis dwells on the particular role played by the Scots in the economic development of the African slave trade and their participation in slave societies in the West Indies. This research also takes interest in the emergence of abolitionist ideas in Great Britain at the beginning of the 19th century and the part Scottish people played in the national debate. The main purpose is to determine whether there existed a Scottish specificity, regarding behaviours and ideology, in the British slave system and in the British abolitionist movement within the post-Union imperial context. The intent is not to single Scottish people out but rather to question the relevance of concepts such as « British slavery » and « British abolitionism ».Adopting a chronological approach, this thesis consists of three parts. First, it revolves around the development of the Scottish imperial ideology and of a colonial economic conception based on slavery. The second part dwells on the harsh reality of the slave system in the colonies and the role Scottish colonists played in it. Finally, the thesis tackles the philosophical, ideological and political contribution of Scottish people to the British abolitionist campaigns and examines their inclusion within this British scheme.

This thesis is about the social, political, and economic interactions that took place in and around the Universities’ Mission to Central Africa (UMCA) in two very different regions: north-eastern Tanzania and Zanzibar. The mission was for much of the period a space in which people could – often inventively – make a living through education, employment, and patronage. Indeed, particularly in the period preceding British colonial rule, most Christians were mission employees (usually teachers) and their families. Being Christian was, in one sense, a livelihood. In this era before the British altered the political economy, education had only limited appeal, while the teaching profession was not highly esteemed by Africans, although it offered some teachers the security and status of a regular income. From the 1860s to the 1910s, the UMCA did not offer clear trajectories for most of the Africans interacting with it in search of a better life. Markers of coastal sophistication, such as clothing or Swahili fluency, had greater social currency, while the coast remained a prime source of paid employment, often preferable to conditions offered by the mission. By the end of the period, Christians were at a social and economic advantage by virtue of their access to formal institutional education. This was a major shift and schooling became an obvious trajectory for future employment and economic mobility. Converts, many of whom came from marginal social backgrounds, sought to overcome a heritage of exploitative social relations and to redraw the field for the negotiation of dependency to their advantage. However, as this thesis shows, the mission also contributed to new sets of exploitative social relations in a hierarchy of work and education.

Exercitando um escopo de análise histórico e eclético, a presente dissertação versará sobre o funcionamento de um sistema administrativo misto, arquitetado no formato de nodos interconectados, ou apenas rede, em prol da manutenção de um espaço jurisdicional ultramarino. Nessa empreitada, seremos guiados por duas traves-mestras: a primeira é o interesse nos fenômenos advindos dos contatos intersociais, a segunda é a análise perscrutada da documentação inserida nas Fontes para a história de Angola do século XVII, organizadas por Beatrix Heintze. Problematizando algumas das situações coetâneas pelas quais passavam a expansão portuguesa na África Centro-Ocidental, bem como nos debruçando sobre algumas das indagações levantadas por uma historiografia recente, defenderemos que havia uma série de movimentos ambivalentes e ambíguos no que tangia ao governo do domínio ultramarino da Angola portuguesa. Sucintamente, chamaremos atenção para a importância dos procedimentos e resoluções políticoadministrativas adotados naquele domínio, analisando as maneiras de arregimentação e condução de uma máquina de guerra portuguesa, destacando a importância da participação política de atores e sujeitos centro-africanos nos rumos políticos das chamadas conquistas e abordando as relações institucionais e econômicas entre Luanda e os entrepostos portugueses instalados no interior. Por excelência, as hierarquias internas e os contatos sociais e políticos luso-africanos foram gestados em um ambiente conflituoso, entrecortado por tensões sociais, atritos institucionais e embates políticos. Em ultima instância, concluiremos que ocorriam justaposições e aglutinações entre as formas de dominação e intermediação que faziam parte do funcionamento político e institucional da Angola portuguesa, contanto que duas precondições fossem atendidas: o engrandecimento da exploração economia através do tráfico transatlântico e a penetração institucional e política do continente. / Considering an eclectic and historical scope of analysis, this dissertation will argue about the execution of a mixed administrative system, based on institutional nodes interconnected in a form of network system, operated on the behalf of an overseas jurisdictional space. Our efforts will be engaged with two mainstreams: the first is our interest in the phenomena related with some inter-social contacts, the second is the analytical research of the Fontes para a história de Angola do século XVIIs documentation, organized by Beatrix Heintze. Casting some questions related to the different situations concerned with the Portuguese Expansion in the West Central Africa, as well as reflecting some inquiries posed by the recent historiography, here we stand for a settle of ambivalent and ambiguous series of movements emerged from the Portuguese Angolas overseas domain, calling up for the importance of some political and institutional forms of proceedings. They were all managed in order to resolve some issues related with the Portuguese Angola, paying attention to the recruitment and mobilizations of the Portuguese war machine, elucidating how the local political actors interacted with the conquistas and how was carried out the institutional and economical relations between Luanda and the interior entrepôts. All the internal hierarchies and luso-african contacts was settled down in a conflictive environment, crossed through social tensions, institutional frictions and political shocks. Finally, we conclude that some forms of domination and intermediation in the Portuguese Angola were sustained by a correlation between juxtapositions and agglutinations, but only if two demands were attended: the enlargement of the economical exploitation through the transatlantic slave trade and the institutional and political penetration of the African continent.