Dissertação(mestrado)-Universidade Federal do Rio Grande, Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Ambiental, Instituto de Educação, 2007. / Submitted by eloisa silva (eloisa1_silva@yahoo.com.br) on 2012-08-16T20:08:20Z No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_felipe_fernandes.pdf: 5548341 bytes, checksum: e4f592dca1bfeded94190f85ccd3af59 (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Bruna Vieira(bruninha_vieira@ibest.com.br) on 2012-08-21T13:58:17Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_felipe_fernandes.pdf: 5548341 bytes, checksum: e4f592dca1bfeded94190f85ccd3af59 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2012-08-21T13:58:17Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 dissertacao_felipe_fernandes.pdf: 5548341 bytes, checksum: e4f592dca1bfeded94190f85ccd3af59 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2007 / Esta dissertação foi produzida no Programa de Pós-Graduação em Educação Ambiental, na linha EA: Ensino e Formação de Educadores, e teve como objetivo analisar a produção da identidade ativista homossexual. Foram analisadas narrativas de ativistas homossexuais integrantes do CELLOS/MG, entidade localizada em Belo Horizonte. As narrativas foram produzidas com a metodologia da Investigação Narrativa. Foram estabelecidas conexões com os Estudos Culturais, nas vertentes pós-estruturalistas, utilizando autores como Hall, Louro, Silva, Veiga-Neto etc., e contribuições de Michel Foucault. A Educação Ambiental é entendida como área do conhecimento que não possui “amarras” científicas da produção epistemológica fabricada na academia, e é interpretada como caminho para se dar voz às diferenças, respeitosa e tolerantemente, ampliando o diálogo para todos. Também foram utilizados autores que teorizam sobre o movimento homossexual como Facchini, Green, Fry, MacRae, Câmara etc. Entendo, que é narrando histórias no movimento homossexual que os ativistas vão constituindo-se através de múltiplos discursos. Conjurando histórias importadas de países como os Estados Unidos, e um governo ditador no Brasil; a década de 1970 vê nascer no Brasil as primeiras ações de um movimento homossexual. O CELLOS/MG começa a ser pensado em 2001, quando um grupo de estudantes, partidários e dissidentes de outras organizações optam pela criação do grupo. Foram quatro colaboradores nesta pesquisa. Rick tem 31 anos, é um homem branco, hemofílico e pobre. Ingressou no movimento a convite de um amigo. Lucas tem 31 anos, é pardo, de descendência indígena. Não inicia sua trajetória no movimento homossexual, e sim, nos movimentos pastorais da igreja, e se no movimento partidário do PT. Vicente tem 43 anos, é branco, classe média e inicia no movimento quando muda do Rio de Janeiro para Belo Horizonte, aos 38 anos. Edivan tem 27 anos, é um homem negro. Inicia o ativismo homossexual no grupo Dignidade em Curitiba, participa do GHAP no RN, sendo o CELLOS/MG sua terceira entidade. Ao analisar as narrativas o “perceber-se” homossexual emergiu, segundo as narrativas, como a primeira “marca” desses sujeitos. O discurso que remete à “percepção” no indivíduo é ligado, muitas vezes, a marcas biológicas. As brincadeiras infantis, mencionadas pelos colaboradores, podem ser entendidas como práticas sociais em que se constituem corpos sexuados, visto que três ativistas remontaram a estas. Na nossa sociedade, “singularmente confessada”, é preciso ressaltar a importância que a revelação pública da identidade homossexual tem na constituição do ativista. Esse “assumir-se”, pode ser entendido como uma estratégia dos grupos para alcançarem o objetivo de conquista de direitos”. As falas fazem-nos entender que assumir-se constitui-se como atributo determinante para ativistas homossexuais. A “causa” homossexual é caracterizada como um marcador dessa identidade; além disso, demarcam terem sido discriminados, algo comum entre eles. No que tange ao CELLOS/MG, as narrativas nos fazem entender que o grupo preocupa-se com a constituição de seus ativistas, nomeando este processo como “formação”. Todos os ativistas afirmam que a formação passa necessariamente pela prática no interior da entidade. Assim, pude trabalhar com aspectos que indicam como a identidade e a diferença são produzidas no movimento homossexual. / This thesis has been produced for my Master's degree in Environmental Education for the Research Group, Education and the Training of Educators, and had as its objective to analyze the production of homosexual activist´s identities. The thesis analyzed narratives of homosexual activists who belonged to the group CELLOS/MG, located in Belo Horizonte. The narratives were produced with the Narrative Investigation methodology. Connections were established with Cultural Studies, especially the post-structuralists, using authors such as Hall, Louro, Silva, Veiga-Neto among others, and contributions of Michel Foucault. Environmental Education is understood as an area of knowledge that has no scientific "mooring cables" of epistemological production inside science, and it is interpreted as a way of giving voice, respectfully and tolerantly, to differences through broadening dialogue to make it more inclusive. This research project relied on authors who theorize about the homosexual movement, such as Facchini, Green, Fry, MacRae, Câmara, among others. It is through the narration of stories within the homosexual movement that activists constitute themselves through multiple discourses. Appropriating information imported from such countries as the United States, and during a dictatorship in Brazil, the 1970s saw the birth of the first actions of a homosexual movement in Brazil. The group CELLOS/MG became an idea in 2001, when a group of students, members and supporters of other dissident organizations, decided to create a group. Four people collaborated with this research project. Rick is 31 years old, white, hemophilic and poor. He joined the homosexual movement through the invitation of a friend. Lucas is 31 years old, medium brown-skinned, and of Indian descent. He did not start his political work in the homosexual movement, but rather in the Catholic Church and as a supporter of the Workers Party (Partido do Trababladores-PT). Vicente is a 43 year old middle-class, white man, who joined the homosexual movement when he moved from Rio de Janeiro to Belo Horizonte, at age 38. Edivan is a 27 year old black man. He joined the movement in Curitiba through the group Dignidade, participated with the group GHAP in the state of Rio Grande do Norte, and then joined CELLOS/MG as the third group he has worked with. When analyzing their narratives the notion of "perceiving oneself as homosexual" emerged in their discourses as the first "trait" of these subjects. The discourse that leads one to "to perceive of oneself as homosexual" is connected, many times, to biological traits. The infantile tricks mentioned by the collaborators can be understood as social practices that constitute sexualized bodies, since three activists referred to them. In our "singularly confessing" society, the importance of the public revelation of a homosexual identity plays an important role in constituting an activist. This "coming out" can be understood as a strategy of groups to achieve the goal of "obtaining their rights". Their words make us understand that "coming out" constitutes a determining attribute for homosexual activists.The homosexual"cause" is characteristic trait of their identity. The discrimination that they have all suffered is also a common trait. As far as CELLOS/MG is concerned, their narratives make us understand that the group worries about the constitution of its activists, referring to this process as "education" [training]. All activists stated that this education [training] took place within the group. Thus, I could work with aspects that indicate how identity and difference are produced within the homosexual movement.

This doctoral research is a contribution to the understanding of social activism and its socio-cultural formation in postcolonial Okinawa. It is based on eighteen months of fieldwork including participant observation and interviews at a public women’s organisation, Women’s Organisation Okinawa (WOO). This project centres on the lived practices of staff who attempted to produce and encourage gender equality in the public sector under neoliberal governance. I demonstrate through ethnographic analysis how the practice of law and social movements is distinct from the ideals of such movements as well as the particular individuals involved in them. WOO was established in the public sector by local government in alliance with various grassroots groups in Okinawa in the late 1990s. WOO embraced the dreams, hopes and anticipations of various actors - users and workers - who had been involved in the establishment, but in reality, it also contained various contradictions. First, WOO was a new workplace for those who wanted to work in activism and be paid for their work, but also reproduced precarious, low-waged, gendered labour. Second, WOO was a site which put law into practice, but it revealed that law internalised the inconsistency between what people had originally expected of the law and what law enacted as a result of institutionalisation. Third, WOO unexpectedly became a focal point of contact between neoliberal and feminist governance through public services and the requirements of performing accountability for citizens and for feminist activism. Thus frontline practitioners attempted to bridge the gap between ideal, reality, law and practice and to negotiate with neoliberal and feminist governance in the labour process. This thesis demonstrates how the inconsistencies between ideal and reality arose in the daily working practices of staff positioned between citizens, laws and social movements. More precisely, it explores how staff attempted to negotiate, accommodate and struggle with the gap between ideal and reality through their lived experience, rather than fiercely resisting or merely being subject to a form of governance or reality. In doing so, the thesis reveals how unstable and problematic the notion of ‘gender equality’ was as it was deployed at WOO.

The subject of this thesis deals with the project of restoration of the defunct village Vyklice by society of its former habitants. This project is unique for they are the only former habitants of a commune that had to be liquidated due to the coal mining who are striving to restore it under the same name and on the same place. The answer to the question where has this idea appeared led me to the analysis of their society activism. On the background of their attempts I have identified wider "community of memory" of former friends from Vyklice. These people had been involuntarily displaced from their rural environment and resettled in the nearby housing estate. After that they felt nostalgia for their lost homes and were reflecting that on spontaneously formed reunions. The main subject of their recollections was the former society life in Vyklice. The most active ones in the community have than created a new "society", Society of inhabitants of Vyklice, among others to try to restore the old Vyklice. At first the idea was only one of the means to enhance their memory activities. Gradually, along with the political support of their effort, the project had become the main goal of the society, which still allows the whole community of memory to be continuously reaching their original goal, which was to meet...

Building on the logic of issue selling, my dissertation explores the micro-processes of shareholder social activism through which shareholders interact with targeted firms and also addresses which micro-processes could affect the effectiveness and the success of shareholder social activism. To do this, my dissertation develops a theory with respect to the approaches of linguistically framing the contents of and of presenting shareholder social activism. Based on a qualitative (descriptive) analysis on 1,612 shareholder social proposals, my dissertation identifies six packaging strategies that are used by the proponents to linguistically frame the contents of their proposals and two selling strategies used by the proponents to present their proposals. Subsequently, a quantitative analysis demonstrates that the effectiveness of shareholder social proposals would be largely determined by the joint effects of opportunity framing, threat framing, coalition building, and repeated submitting and that other packaging strategies would have little unique contribution to the effectiveness and the success of shareholder social activism. I argue that my dissertation would make contributions to the understanding of shareholder social activism and also offer some theoretical considerations for future studies on issue selling, although my dissertation might not directly contribute to the body of work of issue selling. / Ph. D.

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This thesis is a history of social and political activism in Charlottesville during the 1960s focusing on new left student organizing at the University of Virginia. It is a work of social history that establishes a community that has been generally ignored in traditional histories of the new left as one of the most influential centers of new left activism in the South and asserts that this prominence was due to years of activism by local liberals, civil rights advocates, and students during the city's unique experiences on the front lines of the southern desegregation, civil rights, and anti-war struggles. It traces the evolution of social activism in the city and the university from the late 1950s through the early 1970s and demonstrates how local activists and issues interacted with regional, national, and global events during one of the most socially tumultuous decades in American history.

<p>This study is a comparative historical analysis of the link between environmental activism and state-society relations in 20th century Russia and Mexico. It explores the three main currents of environmentalism that originated in these two countries under non-democratic political systems that originated in the social revolutions of 1910 (Mexico) and 1917 (Russia) and the roles that each current has played in the process of democratization that began in the 1980s. It is based on critical evaluation and synthesis of the following theoretical fields: collective action, social movements, political regime change and democratic transition. Scholarly literature and press sources are used to corroborate and evaluate findings from in-depth qualitative interviews with environmental activists, researchers, lawyers, and journalists as well as data from participant observation conducted by the author in Russia and in Mexico. The main findings of the study are two-fold. 1) Environmental activism affects social rather than political democratization. 2) The type of environmental activism that has the most significant impact on social democratization is social environmentalism - the current that emphasizes the synergy between the struggles for social justice and civil rights on the one hand and against environmental degradation on the other.</p> / Dissertation

This dissertation looks at the responses of African American club women to the challenging racial environment of Kentucky from the late 1800s through the early decades of the 20th century. It explores their efforts to negotiate the dialectical relationship between local circumstances and national movements. While most discussions of club women argue that their work merely enabled respectability, this dissertation argues that its real significance lies in the way black club women established support systems and communication systems for other forms of activism. The black women's club movement is the communication arena which establishes networks for advancing the direct action protests of the modern Civil Rights Movement.

The purpose of the study was to field test a unit of lessons in which students explore how a variety of social issues and value systems impact the meaning expressed in their artwork. By exposing students to different systems of belief, their historical contexts, and providing opportunities for students to discuss, research and symbolically express meaning I hope to develop critical thinking skills; promote increase in the social conscience of teenagers; help students develop critical thinking skills; promote student active involvement in their community at large; encourage social activism; and help students become part of the larger global community. The study utilized pre and post written tests, student artwork, student written responses and an auto-ethnographic approach to document student outcomes. Although evidence of progress was observed there is a need for additional research about ways art education might be used to assist students in the development of a social conscience and awareness of the global community.

This thesis on water and social activism in Canada is a journey into the realm of shared social understanding. Water is too precious to all forms of life to simply permit commodification for the benefit of a few at the expense of the many. The Sun Belt case adjudicated under the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) when compared with what prevailed under previous Canadian national law reveals severe limits to state sovereignty. A high measure of support has already been manifest around concerns and considerations which pertain to water and the potential for the growth of social activism with reference to water may well be unprecedented in Canada. There are fundamental inequalities found within the Sun Belt case. Current international trade policy coupled with private banking practices does not value the principles of sustainability, equality and justice because it is committed to the commodification of the “commons”. This thesis uses a variety of sources to oppose the present discourses followed by governments according to the doctrines found in the study of classical economics within a capitalist context.