In recent years, China has become an increasingly influential actor in Muslim-majority countries the world over. This is despite growing international condemnation of Beijing’s imprisonment of Muslims living in northwestern Xinjiang province, in so-called "vocational training schools" where their religious identities are forcibly assimilated under the guise of counter-extremism. Nevertheless, Muslim-majority countries have remained silent or even supportive of China's treatment of its Muslim minorities. This seemingly contradictory policy position is frequently explained by citing these countries’ dependence on Chinese trade and investment in their economic and infrastructural development, however this argument inadequately assesses other important factors behind these countries’ support for China’s treatment of its Muslim minorities. Beyond the theory of economic necessity and the equally realist consideration of security ties, this research further posits that Muslim-majority states support or defend China’s treatment of Muslims in order to secure Chinese ideological support to defend themselves from reproach against their own domestic policies towards separatist movements and religious extremists. To evaluate these hypotheses, this thesis examines the engagement of some key Muslim-majority states with China by analyzing realpolitik factors like (1) economic relations; and (2) security and military cooperation; as well as more ideological factors, namely whether or not they share a common vulnerability to (3) domestic secessionist movements challenging their authority; or to (4) religious extremism that threatens state security. This research examines the economic and security relations between China and six of the most geopolitically significant Muslim- majority countries (Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Iran, Indonesia, Pakistan and Turkey), as well the influence of secessionism and religious extremism in each country. It then assesses the analytical validity of these four hypotheses, and concludes that the ideological considerations consisting of common vulnerability to secessionism and/or religious extremism, exhibited the greatest explanatory power for predicting Muslim-majority countries’ level of support for China's treatment of Muslims. Although realpolitik considerations like economic and security cooperation with China can also clearly be seen to influence the position of Muslim-majority countries on this issue, ideological factors like obtaining Chinese support for their suppression of secessionist movements or religious extremism are clearly paramount. In addition to these four variables, this research also briefly acknowledges the explanatory potential of other ideological factors in influencing the support of Muslim-majority countries for China's policies towards its Muslim minorities. These include factors like regime type, the prevalence of anti- American sentiment, as well as the desire to form an alliance with China against Western democracies and the norms and standards they espouse in multilateral organizations. Ultimately, this dissertation demonstrates that China has already achieved widespread political and ideological support among the developing countries of the Global South, including many Muslim-majority countries. If Western democracies wish to exert pressure on China to change its behaviour, they will first need to win back the support of the Global South by offering a suitable alternative source of political, economic and security support, while foregoing neocolonial demands to enact changes to their domestic political systems.

Работа посвящена анализу особенностей реализации «мягкой силы» Италии на современном этапе. На основании большого числа источников и литературы по данной теме были выделены основные ресурсы «мягкой силы» страны и механизмы реализации данного концепта. В число основных ресурсов «мягкой силы» были отнесены культура и национальный язык, интернационализация образования и научно-исследовательская деятельность. Были проанализированы основные проекты и мероприятия, направленные на осуществление итальянской «мягкой силы» и использования ее ресурсов. В ходе работы были выделены проблемы, которые препятствуют более эффективной реализации данной внешнеполитической стратегии. К ним, в первую очередь, относится недостаточное финансирование культурного, образовательного и научного сектора, которое вызвано нестабильностью итальянской экономики, а также отсутствие единой стратегии продвижения ресурсов «мягкой силы» Италии, которая бы консолидировала деятельность всех ответственных за продвижение органов и институтов. / This work is devoted to the analysis of the peculiarities of Italian soft power at the present stage. The main Italian soft power recourses and implementation mechanism of this concept were defined based on large number of official documents and literature on this topic. The main resources of Italian soft power are culture and the national language, the internationalization of education and research activities. Were analyzed the main projects and activities aimed at the implementation of the Italian soft power. Also, this work identifies problems that prevent the more effective and successful implementation of this foreign policy strategy. Primarily, it is an inadequate financing of the cultural, educational and scientific sector which is caused by the instability of the Italian economy, as well as lack of unified strategy to promote Italian soft power resources which would consolidate the activities of all authorities and institutes responsible for promotion.

This thesis explores the potential of Nigerian popular music as an approach to nation branding. The study employs qualitative content analysis to analyze select Nigerian music genres to examine how Nigeria is portrayed to international audiences and the economic benefits that can be derived from this form of branding. The analysis focuses on narrative themes of “the value of hard work,” “ethnic pride,” “lavish lifestyle,” and the impact of differences which were derived from the data. Findings indicate that Nigeria is globally reckoned for its musical prowess and rich cultural heritage. In highlighting the role of music in Nigeria’s political processes, the research demonstrates a growing sense of national identity and political awareness among the masses, thereby making a case for accountability and transparency in Nigeria’s governance. Additionally, music emerges as one of the major contributors to Nigeria’s economy, serving as a powerful tool for visibility and attracting foreign investments.

How are the two superpowers of the world using Twitter as a platform for gathering global support for their policies when tweeting about an ongoing international conflict? That is the question that is answered in this thesis through a small-N case study. A mixed-method content analysis, based on security branding and generic framing, was applied to the data to determine how security branding is used by the actors to acquire social power. The findings suggest that China is using the situation to throw mud at, and question the morality of, the US and its behavior in international relations. The US is tweeting on a broader spectrum of topics. These topics include how the US and its allies and partners have supported Ukraine and taken action to weaken Russia. Another vital topic found is that the US uses Twitter to display its disagreement with the actions taken by Russia and Vladimir Putin in Ukraine.

From the start of the Obama administration’s “pivot to Asia” in 2011 until November 2023, 78 foreign visits have been made by three U.S. Presidents and five Secretaries of State to Southeast Asia. To uncover the U.S. ambitions in Southeast Asia, this thesis uses frame analysis to study speeches, statements, and remarks published by the U.S. Department of State and the White House during the visits to categorize them as displaying predominantly soft, hard, or smart power. The frames identified during the visits show that each administration has displayed a different kind of power. While the Obama administration focused on soft power, the Trump administration displayed significantly more hard power. The Biden administration used almost exclusively smart power during their visits. The thesis contributes to the operationalization of Joseph Nye’s concepts of soft, hard, and smart power, while also attempting to understand the U.S. ambition in Southeast Asia, especially as relations with the PRC have become increasingly tense.

This study is concerned with the concept of internationalisation as a tool for disadvantaged minorities to affect change in their situation. This phenomenon has been studied widely with respect to authoritarian regimes and later on with liberal Western democracies. The current study has focussed on the state of Israel and the situation of its Palestinian Arab minority to investigate the origins and purposes of internationalisation, the extent to which these efforts have achieved the objectives that were set, and whether this process is in any sense capable of achieving them. The analysis shows that the internationalisation process whereby the Palestinian Arab citizens of Israel sought to reclaim their rights by invoking the support of the international community has emerged in the 1950s. It came to be perceived as necessary because internal legal and political processes were understood to be insufficient to achieve any redress for their grievances. The Arab leadership in Israel articulates internationalisation as a strategy designed to invoke the norms of democracy to question the conduct of successive Israeli governments, and counter the narrative offered by them on the world stage. The internationalisation strategy is seen to undergo a profound transformation from public memoranda, to civil and legal advocacy by invoking international conventions and treaties and finally to personal diplomacy. The results show that it is not a zero sum game; it is an especially effective method in different ways and with varying degrees of success. It created an extension of the critique of Israel’s treatment of Palestinians in the Occupied Territories to its Palestinian minority. Using the international law in the modality of legal advocacy to compel the Israeli state to adhere to the commitments it had made by acceding to an international convention, proved more effective than mere political pressure. Another factors such as the nature of the claims, geopolitical circumstances, global momentum, and domestic politics are crucial as well for the success of the internationalisation. Yet, Israel’s response varied in particular cases to minimise external critics, and its respect for the international law was uttered by utilitarian justification to protect its reputation. The application of the social constructivist boomerang-spiral model to the process of internationalisation is deemed to be a particularly effective instrument to explore both the potential and the limits of the process of compelling the Israeli state to conform to internationally supported norms. The results of this study demonstrate that the construction of the state’s identity as a Jewish and concerns over national security are potentially in conflict with the egalitarian democratic norms that it claims to be governed by. The implications of these two elements for the operation of the Israeli state has resulted in a failure to fully integrate its Arab citizens. The Nation-State Law of 2018 reinforces the legal and systematic discrimination against the Palestinians in Israel and explains why internationalisation has not been successful. 443 It is the first comprehensive investigation into a selected series of case studies that document international appeals made by Israel’s Arab elite due to three chronological periods: 1948-1979, 1992- 2013 and 2015 onwards. On a theoretical level, it is the first time that the spiral model has been tested in the context of Israel and its Arab minority. This can serve as a strategic information source for Arab MKs, NGOs and Israeli decision makers.

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The justification of war is a central issue in international relations, and the characteristic political response to war is to adopt a story that offers a degree of explanation. Narratives play a central role in garnering public support for wars to be seen as legitimate. Soft power, which includes sociocultural factors such as the state's image, credibility, shared values, and moral authority, also plays a crucial role. In the digital age, with the rise of social media, diplomacy has transformed and become a primary source of news with unparalleled global reach. Consequently, digital diplomacy has become essential for states to communicate their policy objectives directly to their audience through compelling social media narratives, especially during times of war. There have been few studies examining the relationship between soft power, digital diplomacy, and strategic narratives during wartime. This study uses visual narrative analysis (VNA) to address this gap by analysing eight video tweets published by the Israeli Ministry of Foreign Affairs (MFA) during the Israeli-Hamas war from October 7, 2023, and the six months after. The results show that the Israeli MFA used strategic narratives to legitimise the war. Notably, they used visual representations to emphasise Israel’s right to self-defence and its proximity to Western ideals, to garner support. Strategic narratives provide a storytelling which invoke the past to illuminate the present and future and create a shared identity in the context of the Israel-Hamas War.

This thesis investigates the nature and impact of Russian influence on Russian-language print and broadcast news in Ukraine and Belarus. TV channels and publications with shareholders or partners in Russia are widely available in both the countries studied; existing literature suggests that such ‘Russian’ media are a source of regional power for the Kremlin. To shed light on how Russian partners and shareholders affect editorial treatment of Russia, the thesis compares content samples from 27 TV news bulletins and newspapers available in Ukraine or Belarus, some of which have Russian partners or shareholders while others do not. It also draws on in-depth interviews with 46 journalists and other media professionals. The thesis then compares the cases of Ukraine and Belarus to explain how political and economic conditions in a ‘target’ state affect the Russian authorities’ scope for communicating messages to mass audiences abroad via pro-Kremlin broadcasters. The findings of the thesis serve as a basis for assessing whether Russian news exports might contribute to Russian foreign policy success in the way envisaged by the literature on soft power. This research reveals complexities which have previously been overlooked in discussions about Russia’s media influence in the post-Soviet region. The news providers in Ukraine and Belarus which have Russian partners or shareholders are diverse and often vulnerable to constraints within their operating environment. Their utility as a source of soft power for the Kremlin is questionable, because the association between media and soft power is premised on public sentiments swaying foreign policy decisions. This premise is problematic, particularly in authoritarian Belarus. Pro-Kremlin Russian news exporters undoubtedly play a role in Moscow’s relations with Minsk and Kiev. However, their significance may lie at least as much in their capacity to provoke as their capacity to ‘softly’ attract and persuade a mass audience.

文化外交是近年來國際關係中的一項重要議題，各國皆對外輸出軟權力來增加該國在世界上的影響力，中國自改革開放後經濟與軍事能力大幅成長，因此近年來便開始加強對外文化輸出的工作，運用文化外交的力量以達到國家政策的目標。 本研究的目的在於對胡錦濤主政時期的文化外交政策做一全面性的認識，論文首先探討文化外交的理論淵源，進而建構出文化外交的意涵；其次從總體的角度來研究胡錦濤政府文化外交政策，包括其產生原因以及訴求，並對執行此政策的各相關機構與指導方針做分析。另外在具體實踐方面，論文從孔子學院及2008年北京奧運來探討中國文化外交政策的成效，最後針對這兩項實踐以及總體文化外交政策做深入的評估。 研究發現中國的文化外交政策之興起有其內、外在環境的影響，而執行的結果雖然有達到一定的成效，但受限於部份因素的制約，使得中國的文化外交政策仍有許多待改進之處。 / Cultural diplomacy is an important issue in international relations in recent years; many countries output their soft power to increase their influences in the world. Since the success of China’s reform and open policy, its economy and military power had a large growth. Therefore, China started to strengthen the policy of cultural output, using the power of cultural diplomacy to achieve its national goal. The purpose of this research is to have a comprehensive understanding on the cultural diplomacy during Hu Jintao’s administration. In the beginning of this research, we discuss the theories of cultural diplomacy, and then to describe it’s meaning. Secondly, we analyze this policy, including the background and purpose, from the overall viewpoint, and also study on the government departments and documents related to this policy. In addition, we take Confucius Institute and Beijing Olympic Games for examples to discuss the result of China’s cultural diplomacy. At last, this research has the analysis on these two practices and the policy. This research found that the appearance of China’s cultural diplomacy is influenced by the inner and outer environments. Although this policy has its result, it is still restricted by some factors. It means there are still many places of this policy need to be improved.