This thesis explores the capacity of a state feminist institution in a non-Western setting in implementing gender empowerment initiatives. This study adopts a cross-cutting approach using state feminism and a feminist institutional analytical lens especially the idea of formal and informal rules, to develop a dynamic analysis of the factors that shape the capacity of a state feminist institution in a post-colonial context. This research uses a holistic single case study to analyse the institutional capacity of the Ministry of Women, Family, and Community Development in Malaysia by examining four key determinants: 1) institutional structure, 2) resources, 3) relationship/network and 4) the WPA’s policies implementation (as shaped by the institutional structure, resources, and relationship) to assess the Ministry’s capacity. This research highlights the variance of capacity level of the Women’s Policy Agency in Malaysia has in the implementation of gender empowerment initiatives within its institutional environment. The WPA demonstrates competency in specific areas of gender empowerment programmes especially economic empowerment but is often constrained in their ability to navigate through a gendered state institution which is highly centralised and strongly hierarchical. Masculinised political culture and institutional socio-religious perspective on gender roles also play a part in weakening the Ministry’s capacity in pushing for gender empowerment initiatives that challenge the conservative outlook of gender roles in society. .This study explores the strengths and constraints of state feminism in Malaysia using feminist institutionalism analytical tools of formal and informal rules as the dynamic interaction between the formal and informal rules in a diverse, developing and semi-democratic context characterise the WPA’s capacity within its institutional setting. This thesis provides important insights on the conditions that shape the WPA’s capacity and alternative understanding of state feminism in a non-Western context, and thereby, provides guidance for gender policy advocates and future practices.

In comparison with other Muslim Arabic countries, Tunisia have attained a unique and successful progress when it comes to women’s rights and gender equality. According to researchers, the progress of women’s rights in Tunisia is due to a policy of top down State feminism that the country has adapted since the independence from the French colonialism 1956. Researchers have mainly focused on investigating the diverse factors that contributed to this progress and on tracing the causal mechanism behind the unique women’s legal rights in Tunisia. Nevertheless, there are few studies that carefully examined gender norms in Tunisian society and its relation to the adopted top down State feminism. The goal of this thesis is to analyse how gender norm are described in Tunisians legal texts and compare it to how young educated citizens in Tunisia relate to gender norms, as well to see if there are any eventual potential progress regarding gender equality in the future in Tunisia. This thesis is based on text analysis of law texts and qualitative group interviews. This thesis has no high explanatory ambitions, but it seeks to illustrate the various potential explanations for the differences and similarities between how gender norms are constructed in law texts and among young educated citizens in Tunisia. Also, this thesis seeks to obtain an idea about how these differences and similarities can be understood. This was done with the help of the data collected from the group interviews and also using theories about State feminism and the relation between the state and gender norms. The analysis of law texts shows that the Tunisian state draws a rigorous line between the public and the private sphere. The Tunisian state expresses a progressive view regarding gender norms on the public sphere but a conservative one when it comes to the private sphere. The interviewees’ views regarding gender norms in the public and the private sphere can be divided into two main categories depending on how they argument for their point of view: “Progressive” and “Conservative”. Thus, differences and similarities between how gender norms are expressed in law texts and by the participants in this study and how those can be understood, depends on which ideologies and mindsets the participants have concerning gender norms. Thus, the cultural and religious heritage as well as the social current circumstances can be assumed to be one of the most crucial factors that affects the progress of gender norms and equality in the public sphere likewise the private sphere in the case of Tunisia. / Jämfört med andra arabiska muslimska länder har Tunisien genomgått en märkbar och annorlunda utveckling vad gäller jämställdhet och kvinnors rättigheter. Enligt forskning på området berodde detta huvudsakligen på en top down State feminism policy som landet har anammat sedan självständigheten från den franska kolonialismen 1956. Forskare har mest fokuserat på att undersöka de olika faktorer som ledde till denna framgång och den kausala mekanismen bakom kvinnors unika juridiska rättigheter i Tunisien. Det är dock få forskare som har ägnat sig åt att studera genusnormer i det tunisiska samhället och dess relation till denna top-down State Feminism. Syftet med denna uppsats är att analysera hur lagtexter I Tunisien skildrar genusnormer och jämföra det med hur unga utbildade tunisier förhåller sig till genusnormer samt att se om det verkar finnas en potential för en framtida förändring vad gäller jämställdhet i Tunisien. Denna uppsats är baserad på textanalys av lagtexter samt kvalitativa gruppintervjuer med unga universitetsutbildade i Tunisien. Uppsatsen har inga höga förklarande ambitioner men ämnar snarare att, med hjälp av intervjumaterialet samt teorier kring State feminism och relationen mellan staten och genusnormer, kasta ljus på de potentiella förklaringarna till hur eventuella skillnader och likheter mellan lagtexters och ungas syn på genusnormer kan förstås. Analysen av lagtexter visar att staten i Tunisien drar en strikt linje mellan den offentliga och privata sfären. Staten uttrycker en progressiv syn på genusnormer i den offentliga sfären men en konservativ syn i den privata. Hur deltagare i denna studie ser på genusnormer i den offentliga och den privata sfären kan egentligen delas i två kategorier beroende på hur de argumenterade för sina synpunkter: ”Progressiva” och ”Konservativa”. Således beror vilka eventuella skillnader och likheter som finns mellan gennusnormer som uttrycks i lagtexter och bland unga i denna studie samt de potentiella förklaringarna till dessa skillnader och likheter, på vilket tankesättet deltagarna tillhör. Det kulturella och religiösa arvet samt samhällets omständigheter och behov kan antas dock vara bland de mest betydelsefulla faktorerna för genusnormers utveckling och jämställdhet både inom lagen och i samhället i just fallet Tunisien.

ABSTRACT This study seeks to contribute to feminist analysis of whether the post-apartheid South African state represents a model of how the state can advance gender equality. The study analyses the institutional mechanisms that have been put in place by the South African government aimed at advancing gender equality. It focuses on the Office on the Status of Women (OSW) as the entity established within the government to steer the national gender programme. The role of the OSW is to coordinate the National Gender Machinery (NGM) as well as to define and develop a gender mainstreaming strategy for government. The study evaluates the assertion that South Africa serves as a model for advancing gender equality is justified, by exploring whether the country has overcome the problems associated with national gender machineries globally or whether it has reproduced them. It points to the fact that the location of the Office on the Status of Women in the Presidency is strategic as it is at the centre of government machinery. The study argues that the value of this has, however, been hampered by various factors. The OSW’s location in the Presidency has not provided it with the political leverage required to enforce gender equality. There are four indicators that show that this has not happened. First is the limited accountability measurer to enforce the fulfilment of existing commitments in government and between the NGM and civil society organisations. This has limited the OSW’s effectiveness. Secondly, the gender mainstreaming strategy is largely undefined. There is a lack of clarity about the roles of the NGM institutions, which tends to lead to duplication of roles as well as limited strategic reinforcement. The OSW has also been weakened by limited strategic relationship with civil society organisations. Thirdly, the OSW has had to operate on a limited budget. This has limited what it has been able to achieve. Lastly, the National Gender Policy Framework for Women's Empowerment and Gender Equality, the policy document developed under the auspices of the Office on the Status of Women, is a relatively weak policy framework for conceptualising women’s subordination, as well as articulating the overall goal of gender equality. It is further weakened by the fact that it not enforceable; thus government entities cannot be held accountable for not implementing it.

In 2014, the newly elected Swedish government declared itself as the first feminist government in the world. When CEDAW in 2016 released their review of the Swedish gender equality policy work, they criticized the lack of concrete results. In the recommendations they suggested that Sweden should adopt a national strategy in their work with violence against women. Being the first public feminist government, working with women issues such as violence against women, it is therefore of interest to study what kind of theoretical and practical policy work the Löfven administration has done during their first term. In this study, the purpose is to find out what the government has done in regard to stop the violence against women, by using the theoretical framework of feminist institutionalism and state feminism. In the result, that is gathered from government documents, it is shown that the Löfven administration has had a similar goal and policy work that the CEDAW recommended, but there is still questions in the area that is yet to be a part of that work. In conclusion, you can with safety say that women´s issues have taken a place in the political agenda, but not even the first county in the world governed by a feminist government is equal.

Submitted by Fabio Sobreira Campos da Costa (fabio.sobreira@ufpe.br) on 2016-05-09T14:06:54Z No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-05-09T14:06:54Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 license_rdf: 1232 bytes, checksum: 66e71c371cc565284e70f40736c94386 (MD5) Dissertação Suely Oliveira Mestrado 10.12.pdf: 1455767 bytes, checksum: ea56d4426651e4053c81cfd67fed0273 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-02-27 / Esta dissertação de mestrado tem como objetivo analisar as condições materiais e simbólicas que levaram grupos organizados de mulheres feministas à institucionalização no âmbito do Estado e/ou governo no Brasil nas décadas de 1970 e 1980. Adotamos como base o entendimento do feminismo como uma prática e pensamento crítico – é uma prática política e um pensamento com suas ideias, teorias e posições políticas – que critica a ordem como o mundo está organizado (ÁVILA, 2013). Argumentamos que o movimento feminista brasileiro não somente propôs, criou, idealizou organismos, serviços e equipamentos públicos. Ele foi, paulatinamente, para dentro dos três níveis de governo, a partir dos anos oitenta, passando a partícipe e a executar, ele mesmo, as políticas públicas. Metodologia - Trata-se de um estudo de base qualitativa, no qual foram realizadas seis entrevistas semi-estruturadas com mulheres feministas: a) Que vivenciaram os primeiros momentos de institucionalização nos governos; b) Que entraram nos governos (ou defenderam que as feministas tomassem parte nos governos); feministas que estiveram contra por um determinado período e depois entraram nos governos. A caracterização inicial do problema é feita a partir do marco conceitual de gênero que dialoga com teóricas feministas e se organiza em três eixos, a saber: 1) o conceito de patriarcado; 2) o sistema sexo-gênero e, 3) o conceito de feminismo de Estado. Como metodologia de análise nos inspiramos na técnica de análise de conteúdo temático-categorial de Laurence Bardin (2000). Resultados - Em linhas gerais, as análises do material apontam que o que inaugura a relação institucionalizada do movimento feminista com o Estado é a criação dos conselhos de direitos para as mulheres; que o feminismo está influenciando transformações no aparelho do Estado, ainda que seja no contexto de um Estado patriarcal. / This mastership dissertation aims to analyse the material and symbolic contidions that lead organized groups of feminist women to institutionalisation in the scope of the State and/or governments in 1970´s and 1980´s Brazil. We adopted as basis the understanding of feminism as a praxis and a critical thinking - it is a political praxis and a thought with its ideas, theories and political positions - which criticizes the disposition the world is organized (ÁVILA, 2013). We maintain that the brazilian feminist movement not only proposed, created, idealized organisms, services and public equipament. It went slowly within the three levels of government, from the 1980´s on, becoming a main participant and executing, the movement itself, the public policies. Methodology - this is a study of qualitative basis, in which six semi-structured interviews have been carried through with feminist women: a) That have experienced the first moments of government institutionalisation; b) That took part in governments (or that deffended that feminists should take part on the governments); feminists that were against their participation but later took part in governments. The initial characterization of the problem is held on the conceptual mark of gender that dialogues with feminists theorists and that is organized in three axis, namely: 1) the concept of patriarchate; 2) the system sex-gender and, 3) the concept of State feminism. As methodology of analysis we were inspired by Laurence Bardin´s (2000) technique of analysis of the thematic-categorial content. Results - Conscisely, the analysis of the material indicates that the creation of the council for women´s rights has inaugurated the institutionalised relationship between the feminist movement and the State; that feminism is influencing transformations in the State institutions, although it is still the context of a patriarchal State.

Cette thèse cherche à améliorer la connaissance et la compréhension des violences de genre. Elle s’attache plus particulièrement à comprendre comment leur prise en charge a émergé dans la sphère politique sous l'impulsion des féministes d’État espagnoles et comment les institutions étatiques française et espagnole se sont saisies et ont traduit législativement ce problème social. L'analyse de deux cadres nationaux, régionaux et locaux permet de mettre en relief l’évolution des pratiques judiciaires et médiatiques à différentes échelles. Cette étude comparative montre les répercussions financières, sanitaires et sociales et, donc, l’intérêt de l’intervention de l’État dans la lutte contre les violences exercées à l’encontre des femmes au sein du couple. Toutefois, ce problème social n’a pas émergé de la même façon en France et en Espagne. Ainsi, plusieurs facteurs permettent d’expliquer sa mise sur l’agenda politique espagnol : le contexte géopolitique, la faiblesse des politiques familiales, la capacité mobilisatrice du féminisme d’État et sa médiatisation. Après avoir présenté l’évolution législative des violences exercées à l’encontre des femmes au sein du couple dans les deux pays, cette recherche apporte une lecture explicative et comparative du fonctionnement de la justice face à ces situations de violences en étudiant les pratiques des tribunaux de Bordeaux et Barcelone entre 2003 et 2009. Enfin, elle dresse le portrait contrasté de deux nations dont le reflet médiatique de l’action politique dévoile des modes de traitement bien distincts. Pour cela, elle évoque le rôle des messages délivrés par les campagnes de communication gouvernementales de lutte contre les violences faites aux femmes et les lignes éditoriales des journaux télévisés d’information régionale en matière de traitement des violences de genre. Ainsi, l’étude de ces pratiques révèle l’influence d’une politique sociale genrée sur les taux de dénonciation et le profil des condamnés. / The aim of this thesis is to improve the knowledge and understanding of gender-related acts of violence. More particularly, it aims at understanding how their undertaking has emerged in the political sphere, spurred on by State feminists in Spain, and how the French and Spanish political institutions have taken up and brought this social issue before the courts. The analysis of these two national, regional and local frameworks helps to underline the evolution of judicial and media practices at different scales. This comparative study shows the financial, sanitary and social repercussions and, consequently, the interest for the State to intervene to combat the acts of violence against women within the couple. However, this social issue has not emerged the same way in France and Spain. That is why several factors can account for its integration into the Spanish political agenda: the geopolitical context, the weaknesses of family policies, the capacity of State feminism to attract people’s support and its media coverage. After presenting the legislative evolution of acts of violence against women within the couple, this research brings an explanatory and comparative reading of the functioning of justice in front of situations of violence by studying the practices of Bordeaux and Barcelona courts between 2003 and 2009. Finally, it draws a contrasted portrait of two nations whose media reflection of political action, reveals quite different ways of tackle the issue. For that, it evokes the function of messages conveyed by Government communication campaigns on fights against acts of violence against women as well as the editorial ways of TV regional news about the ways gender-related acts of violence are dealt with. So, the analysis of these practices unveils the influence of a gender social policy generated from the denunciation rates and the convicts’ profiles.

Made available in DSpace on 2014-12-17T15:46:25Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LeidianeSO_DISSERT.pdf: 3146450 bytes, checksum: 614b044afeb6342e5e2bc0c3bebe9ad3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012-11-07 / Coordena??o de Aperfei?oamento de Pessoal de N?vel Superior / This research analyzes the Rio Grande do Norte care services to women who face violence in the context of contemporary capitalism. To do so, we situate the patriarchy in the set of current social relations and its relationship with the corporate determinations in everyday life. The new functions of the Patriarchy in the capital sociability permeates the lives of individuals and particularizes the relationships of violence which affects women, requiring, in the immediate level, policy-making to face them. The research found an arsenal of contradictory possibilities and limitations in dealing with violence. In this process, forms of struggle and resistance predominate, which appear as possibilities and limits were identified relate to the socio-historical context of regression of the rights, historical moment in which increase the objective difficulties in everyday life to ensure the legal achievements. It is worth to emphasize the achievements and contradictions that characterize the struggle process for rights, linking services to women to the social policies and to the limits they face in opposition to the aims of the State to meet the mandatory requirements of capital, reducing its role as the main guarantor of policies and rights. In this sense, the trajectory of the achievements that have referred to the proclamation of a specific law to deal with combat violence against women, the Maria da Penha Law - 11.340/06, which provides an integrated set of measures that, if implemented, would allow the women protection from relations of violence they experience. We identified in Rio Grande do Norte precarious services that are essential to achieve the Maria da Penha Law. This situation requires a feminist organization to claim the rights that enable women to see themselves as people with rights in the process of collective struggle. This is the historical need for continuity of struggles that accumulate policies for the existence of a new model of social relations of gender. One of the possibilities that are presented in the current context is the impact on the public budget in order to ensure compliance with the budget for public policies for women - woman budget. In this perspective, feminist segments in national and state level have been organized to understand the functioning and monitoring of social policies. This is a condition and prerequisite for ensuring policies to ensure basic rights and the violence combat , which still requires an integrated set of services. The survey results allow us to consider that the struggle for rights is necessary at this historical moment, however it is not sufficient in human emancipation, which requires new forms of social relations that determine substantive equality between men and women. Thus, the feminist movement faces the challenge to organize and strengthen itself in daily life, in order to execute a project that changes the meaning of women's rights, articulated to a corporate project which wants other command in the set of social relations . This study emphasizes the need for a more and more organic connection between feminism and social struggles, to ensure the inclusion of women in anti-capitalist struggle / Este trabalho sistematiza os resultados obtidos na an?lise dos servi?os de atendimento ?s mulheres que enfrentam viol?ncia no contexto do capitalismo contempor?neo. Para tanto, objetivamos situar o patriarcado no conjunto das rela??es sociais atuais e sua rela??o com as determina??es capitalistas na vida cotidiana. Essa rela??o permeia a vida dos indiv?duos e particulariza as rela??es de viol?ncia que atingem as mulheres e exigem elabora??o de pol?ticas para seu enfrentamento. Na rela??o explora??o-domina??o encontrada, apresentamos limites e possibilidades ao devido enfrentamento dessas quest?es, problematizando a configura??o dos direitos no atual momento hist?rico em que as conquistas legais se tornam par?metros a serem seguidos e representam um conjunto de conquistas a serem garantidas efetivamente enquanto media??es para um novo modelo de rela??es. Destacamos as conquistas e as contradi??es que caracterizam o processo de luta por direitos, vinculando os servi?os para as mulheres ao conjunto das pol?ticas sociais e aos limites que estas enfrentam frente ao direcionamento do Estado para atender ?s necessidade do mercado, reduzindo seu papel de principal garantidor das pol?ticas. Nesse sentido, destacamos a trajet?ria das conquistas que remeteram ? conquista de uma lei espec?fica para tratar do enfrentamento ? viol?ncia contra a mulher, a Lei Maria da Penha 11.340/06, que prev? um conjunto articulados de medidas que permitam a prote??o das mulheres das rela??es de viol?ncia que vivenciam. Identificamos um quadro de precariza??o dos servi?os, que exige organiza??o feminista para reivindicar os direitos b?sicos que possibilitem ?s mulheres se reconhecerem enquanto sujeitos de direitos no processo de luta coletiva que possibilitem a exist?ncia de novo modelo de rela??es sociais de g?nero. Para tanto, o movimento feminista enfrenta o desafio de organizar-se e fortalecer-se no cotidiano, com vistas ? efetiva??o de um projeto que radicalize o sentido dos direitos das mulheres, articulado a outros projetos que vislumbrem outro ordenamento no conjunto das rela??es sociais. Uma das possibilidades que apresentam no atual contexto ? a incid?ncia no or?amento p?blico, que visem garantir o cumprimento do or?amento destinado ?s pol?ticas p?blicas para as mulheres or?amento mulher. Nesta perspectiva, segmentos feministas a em n?vel nacional e estadual v?m se organizando para entenderem o funcionamento do or?amento e o monitoramento do conjunto das pol?ticas sociais. Defendemos as possibilidades da garantia dos direitos b?sicos fundamentais das mulheres como pressupostos ao desenvolvimento de direitos na perspectiva da emancipa??o humana, que por sua vez exige novas formas de sociabilidade entre homens e mulheres, como particularidades de um conjunto de rela??es totalit?rias. Evidenciase a necessidade de uma articula??o entre feminismo e lutas sociais, que garantam a inser??o das mulheres na luta anti-capitalista

This case study investigates gender-sensitive institutional reforms in post-war Liberia. It applies key concepts developed by the Research Network on Gender Politics and the State to explore the extent to which the emergent theory of state feminism might be applicable to countries outside of the West. Preliminary findings suggest that Liberia is a feminist state insofar as both the women’s machinery and the Sirleaf Administration are allied with feminist and women’s movement actors outside the state, and that they grant these actors access to policymaking fora. Policy content also appears to reflect many of the goals identified by women’s movement actors. However, given the lack of state capacity and the degree of state penetration by international organizations, it is difficult to determine the drivers of ostensibly state-led gender equity initiatives in the country. Because multi-level governance is the norm in areas where the capacity of the state is severely circumscribed, this research introduces the concept of “supra-state feminism” to demonstrate the major limitation of state feminist theory in Liberia. This notion of feminist policy transfer in areas of limited statehood adds to the comparative literature on engendering political transitions in sub-Saharan Africa.

For the last fifty years the liberal feminist approach has been gaining grounds on the national state level, instituting women’s agencies, gender quotas and gender mainstreaming within nation states. Encouraged by larger international institutions, such as the United Nations, liberal feminism has come to be adopted broadly world-wise advocating for a close relationship between the state and the civil society (Squires, 2007 and McBride & Mazur, 2013). In the advancement of liberal feminism, questions of genuine political parity between these two actors - the state and civil society organizations - has been raised, as well as the state’s capability to promote equal change in accordance with the organizations’ many agendas and beliefs. The aim of this study is to describe and gain understanding of the political environment of the women’s rights organizations in Argentina and the possibilities and challenges that they experience in relation to this development. By using an interpretive research design and theoretical perspectives of social movement theory, this study addresses the ways in which women’s rights organizations in Argentina experience their political opportunities to participate in decision-making processes. Particularly women’s rights organizations that have experience of the state on a national, provincial and local level in Argentina and across political parties in power are addressed in this study. This study presents a novel contribution to the discussion of State Feminism concerning the subject of working from the inside or outside the state, to social movement theory with the conceptualization on political opportunity and by instantiating the discussion with a case study in which it is contextualized and tested.

Les recherches menées dans cette étude se situent dans le cadre de l’analyse du volontarisme étatique dans l’accélération du processus d’égalité entre les femmes et les hommes. Notre postulat de départ est que l'émancipation de la femme en Tunisie émane d'une volonté politique impulsée depuis le haut par le pouvoir tunisien par le biais d’une réforme juridique. Nous défendons l’idée selon laquelle le rapport entre l’État et la question féminine en Tunisie demeure indissociable. La libération des Tunisiennes ayant été portée par le dirigisme étatique dans le cadre d’un régime de type autoritaire, il nous a semblé important de chercher à comprendre et à expliquer les paradoxes de ce projet autoritaire de modernisation ainsi que les dynamiques sociales et les tensions qui en résultent. Notre réflexion s’est constituée autour d’un deuxième axe, à savoir le rapport complexe qu’entretient le régime autoritaire tunisien avec la question féminine. Nous avons ainsi émis l’hypothèse que les raisons de l’engagement du régime dépassent la simple émancipation des femmes ou l’instauration d’une égalité entre les sexes pour s’inscrire dans une logique de contrôle, de répression, et dans un rapport clientéliste. Cette partie constitue une critique du féminisme d’État en Tunisie et de la manière avec laquelle il monopolise la question féminine. Nous en sommes venus à analyser la monopolisation de la cause féminine par le régime tunisien ainsi que les réactions et/ou les mobilisations des femmes et leur opposition à cette politique féministe autoritaire. / The research conducted in this study is part of the analysis of state voluntarism in accelerating the process of equality between women and men. Our starting postulate is that the emancipation of women in Tunisia comes from a political will, driven from the top by the Tunisian power through a legal reform. We are defending the idea that the link between the state and the women's issue in Tunisia remains inseparable. The liberation of Tunisian women has been directed by state as part of an authoritarian regime, therefore we thought it was important trying to understand and explain the paradoxes of this authoritarian project of modernization along with social dynamics and tensions resulting from it. Our reflection was built around a second approach, that is the complex link between the Tunisian authoritarian regime and the women’s issue. We thus hypothesized that the reasons for the regime's commitment go over the simple emancipation of women or the establishment of gender equality in order to fit into a logic of control, repression, and in a clientelist relation. This part forms a criticism of the state feminism and of the way it monopolizes the women’s issue. We finally analyzed how the Tunisian regime monopolize the women's cause and we studied the reactions and / or mobilizations of women as well as their opposition to this authoritarian feminist policy.