Σκοπός της εργασίας είναι η μελέτη της συμπεριφοράς απαγωγέων υπέρτασης στις γραμμές μεταφοράς υψηλής τάσης όταν αυτές καταπονούνται από κεραυνικά πλήγματα. Γίνεται μοντελοποίηση πραγματικών πυλώνων και γραμμών του Ελληνικού συστήματος μεταφοράς, καθώς και αλεξικέραυνων, προσομοίωσή τους στο πρόγραμμα ATP/EMTP και στη συνέχεια μελέτη των υπερτάσεων που εμφανίζονται κατά τη διάρκεια κεραυνικών πληγμάτων πάνω στους αγωγούς προστασίας. / The purpose of this thesis is the study of the behavior of surge arresters on high voltage transmission lines when they are strained by lightning strikes. Steel towers and transmission lines used in the Greek Transmission System and also surge arresters are simulated with ATP/EMTP and the overvoltages that occur during lightning strikes on the shielding wires are studied.

Bodies - be they fleshy or other - are simultaneously made by, made of, moved by, and the makers and movers of other bodies. Driven by the questions how do bodies emerge? what makes bodies move? and what can bodies do? bodies are placed at the very centre of this book in order to explain and show, not only how such bodily making and re-making - (re)making - and movement is done, but also why awareness and understanding of the processes and practices involved in the continual and ongoing (re)making and moving of bodies - of three particular kinds in particular (bodies of power/knowledge, humanised bodies, and bodies politic) - is vital to the study of international relations, conflict, and security and thus to the discipline of International Relations (IR). In short, bodies - of these three kinds in particular - require foregrounding because international relations, conflicts, and security practices are conducted by, on, and for bodies (humanised bodies and bodies politic in particular), according to bodies (namely referred to as dominant bodies of power/ knowledge, which become fleshed out as material bodies including humanised bodies and bodies politic and enact statecraft, further down the line). Moreover, as demonstrated in this book, which takes up the broad empirical case of post-9/11 American body politics and two case studies into the visual body politics of suffering and dead American soldiers since 9/11 and the 2013 Camp Delta hunger strike, there is much to be gained by taking the very particular embodiments of bodies into account, as every body is unique and it is according to distinctive bodily features, malaise/ailments, and feelings that bodies are moved to act (and in turn touch and move other bodies) and continually become other than they are.

Os metalúrgicos da região do ABC Paulista sofreram, desde o golpe militar em 1964, de um lado, a repressão política que impossibilitava a organização dos trabalhadores, tanto sindical como grevista; e de outro, o arrocho salarial e a carestia, causados pela política econômica do governo que, nesta época, era quem determinava os índices de reajuste salarial. Paralelamente, durante a década de 70, o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema, progressivamente, adotou um discurso de aproximação aos trabalhadores. Ainda, muitos movimentos populares se organizaram neste período na Grande São Paulo, articulando-se com os movimentos sindicais. Tais processos desencadearam uma série de greves de trabalhadores do setor metalúrgico no ABC Paulista, em um ciclo que começou em 1978 e se estendeu até meados da década de 80. As greves marcaram a fundação do que se chama hoje de novo sindicalismo, além de ter raízes na fundação da CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores) e do PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores). A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar, a partir de uma perspectiva psicossocial, a memória que trabalhadores metalúrgicos do ABC Paulista têm das greves, bem como dos processos que a antecederam. A psicologia social, ciência que foca o homem enquanto participante de grupos ou coletividades, que vive em companhia dos outros, é um campo do conhecimento adequado para a análise de fenômenos políticos, como foram as greves dos metalúrgicos do ABC. O recurso à memória, por meio de depoimentos, traz pistas de como se deu a participação do trabalhador na greve, assim como da relação dele com as pessoas envolvidas (colegas, sindicalistas, patrões). Foram entrevistados cinco metalúrgicos que participaram das greves referidas, e um que não participou das greves, mas viveu o momento em que elas aconteceram na condição de trabalhador metalúrgico. Foram feitas entrevistas semi-dirigidas, que privilegiaram a narrativa dos fatos vividos. A análise das entrevistas foi feita seguindo uma linha qualitativa, e foi dividida em quatro eixos, expostos a seguir: 1) Sobre os significados das greves, estes apareceram de múltiplas formas. As greves apareceram relacionadas à violência, à conquista de direitos e ao resgate de uma dignidade perdida; 2) A partir dos depoimentos percebe-se uma construção coletiva das memórias das greves, principalmente em relação aos acontecimentos com participação de grande número de pessoas, como as grandes assembleias. Cada depoente, no entanto, destaca o que foi marcante para si. E as narrativas de acontecimentos que tiveram uma participação ativa do depoente têm importante destaque nas entrevistas; 3) Nas trajetórias de formação política dos grevistas aparece com destaque a importância do sindicato e dos movimentos sociais, como o ligado à Igreja Católica. A mediação de tais movimentos coletivos exerce papel fundamental na conscientização sobre a organização política e social relacionada às greves; e 4) O entrelaçamento temporal nos depoimentos mostra que é inevitável a comparação dos fatos lembrados do passado com o momento presente. As avaliações das consequências das greves no presente e as perspectivas políticas para o futuro estão ligadas ao que o trabalhador construiu como horizonte utópico. / The metallurgist workers from the ABC Paulista area suffered, since the military coup détat in 1964, from on side, the political repression that made impossible the workers oragnization (either concerning to labor unions or to calling strikes); from the other, the salary devaluation and the accentuated raise of prices, caused by the the economical politics of the government that, in those times, was who determined the salary rates. At the same time, during the 1970s, the São Bernardo do Campo and Diadema Metallurgist Labor Union, pregressively, adopted the intention to get closer to the workers causes. Furthermore, many popular movements were organized during this period in the Great São Paulo, also tying up with the labor unions. Such processes leaded to a series of strikes of the metallurgist workers in the ABC Paulista, starting in 1978 and continiung until the mid 1980s. These strikes are related to the foundation of the so-called New Labor-Unionism, as well as having straight relations with the foundation of the CUT (an important labor union central in Brazil) and the PT (Workers Party). The aim of this research is to analyse, in a psycho-social perspective, the memories that the metallurgist workers have of these strikes, as well as the memories of the processes that preceded them. Social psychology, a science that has its focus on the person that takes part on groups or collectivities and that lives in company of others, is a suitable subject for the analysis of any political phenomena, such as the strikes. The support of the memory, brought up by the testimony of those who wer involved on the happenings, can give us clues of how the involvement of the workers in the strike were, as well as their relations with the people who took part on the processes (co-workers, union traders, bosses). Five metallurgist workers that took part os the strikes mentioned above were interviewed. Also one worker that didnt take part on the strikes, but was working in an metallurgist factory at that time, was interviewed. The interviews were based on the semi-direct method, focusing on the narration of the events. The analysis of the interviews was made according to a qualitative stream, and was divided in four axes, which are the following: 1) About the meaning of the strikes, these apperaed in multiple forms. They were related to violence, to the conquering of rights and to the rescue of a lost dignity; 2) A collective construction of the memory of the strikes was noticed, especially over the events that had a great amount of people involved, like some assemblies. Each interviewee, though, made stand out the facts that were most meaningful for himself. And the events that had an active participation of the interviewees had an important distinction on the narrations; 3) About the political upbringing of the strikers, the union trades and the social movements (such as the one linked to the catholic church) play an important role. The mediation of these movements are essential for bringing up the consciousness of the political and social organization related to the strikes; and 4) There is an inevitable interlacement between past and present during the remebering process. The judgement of the consequences of the strikes on the present and the political perspectives of the future are linked to how the worker constituted his utopic horizons.

Doctorat en sciences sociales, politiques et économiques / info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

Conflict is an inherent part of any service relationship, and is one of the important methods of effective organisational functioning. Depending on its management, it has both constructive and negative outcomes. The most extreme outcome of conflict in an industrial relationship is a strike. The South African Public Service strike of 2007 was the most protracted and united strike in the history of South Africa. In order to provide an insight into this strike, this treatise explores the following key aspects: • To present a short background of collective bargaining in the public sector through time. • To provide a short background to the public sector strike in 2007. • To develop a conflict model for analytic purposes based on a literature review and to use the conflict model to analyse the strike. A study of the strike was deemed essential because of its current nature and it being charged with political undertones. Moreover, conflict in the employment relationship has had an important influence on theories of industrial relations. The South African labour relations system is pluralist in nature, with a focus on the formal institutions of industrial relations. The focus should be on the motives and actions of parties in the employment relationship. Hence, one should look beyond conventional explanations in understanding conflict.

Orientador: Salvador Antonio Meireles Sandoval / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-18T11:19:37Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Ferreira_JoseFerdinandoRamos_M.pdf: 3794306 bytes, checksum: 6ffaaf4cfd235d7e645de80e4c85d15b (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011 / Resumo: O estudo se refere às relações de trabalho no Brasil, dadas a partir das fábricas, como um conjunto de arranjos que podem ser institucionais ou não, e que organizam as relações sociais de produção em locais de trabalho. Assim, a passagem do capitalismo competitivo para o monopolista, a reestruturação das atividades produtivas não só afetam como transformam as relações de trabalho. Na sociedade de classes, em que as relações de trabalho se apresentam como relações de exploração e de dominação, por meio de arranjos institucionais (aqui chamados de acordo ou negociações) são tomadas decisões acerca do trabalho. Essas decisões expressam relações de poder, capacidade de pressão de grupos sociais (como os sindicatos) na luta pela defesa de direitos (demandas). As relações de trabalho (na sociedade capitalista) caracterizam-se por relações de assalariamento. Na perspectiva marxista por relações de exploração ou de extração de sobre trabalho (mais valia) pelo capitalista que tem por objetivo a realização do valor (a acumulação do capital). Os interesses contraditórios permitem a construção de relações de conflito ou de consenso no processo de trabalho. O consenso, de forma geral, resulta da coerção. O caráter conflituoso das relações de trabalho e suas possibilidades de tornar-se aberto, visível, dando origem aos processos de resistência (como a greve) é o foco desta pesquisa. A greve é tomada como uma ação coletiva que permite a construção de processos de pertencimento de consciência de classe e que também possibilita a mudança nas relações sociais de produção. A questão central que orienta a análise é indagar os alcances e os limites da greve (na dimensão apontada) na sociedade brasileira contemporânea. / Abstract: The study concerns industrial relations in Brazil, taking place in factories, as a set of arrangements which may or not be constitutional and which organize the social relations of production at the workplace. Thus, the change from a competitive capitalism to a monopolistic sort and the restructuring of the productive activities not only affect but also transform industrial relations. In the class society, in which industrial relations present themselves as relations of exploitation and domination, by means of institutional arrangements (herein referred to as agreement or negotiation), decisions concerning labor are made. Such decisions express power relations, and the capacity to exert social group pressure (such as labor unions) in the struggle for the defense of rights (demands). The industrial relations (in the capitalist society) are characterized by salary relations. In the marxist perspective, they are characterized by relations of exploitation and surplus labor (surplus value) on the part of the capitalist, whose aim is the realization of value (accumulation of capital). The opposing interests between capital and labor lead to relations of either conflict or consensus in the industrial process. Consensus, on the whole, results from coercion. The conflicting nature of industrial relations and the possibility of their becoming open, visible, allowing for processes of resistance (such as strikes) is the focus of this research. Strikes are taken as collective actions which allow for the constructions of processes of belonging class awareness and which enables changes to take place in the social industrial relations. The central question which guides the analysis is to question the ranges and the limits of strikes (in the dimension pointed out herein) in contemporary Brazilian society. / Mestrado / Educação, Sociedade, Politica e Cultura / Mestre em Educação

Orientador: Fernando Teixeira da Silva / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciências Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-27T09:04:24Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Campanini_AndreiFelipe_M.pdf: 1644076 bytes, checksum: 67cc09750b916dbe0c4d45aedf08ab51 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015 / Resumo: A presente dissertação estuda as batalhas sociais, legislativas e jurídicas que culminaram no reconhecimento do direito de greve, com a promulgação da Constituição Federal de 1946, e na regulação do seu exercício pelo decreto-lei nº 9.070, de março do mesmo ano. Ela inquiriu a construção dos dispositivos legais sobre a greve como rebento de um complexo processo sociopolítico, em cuja tessitura trabalhadores e patrões tiveram seu grau, evidentemente desproporcional, de participação. E, simultaneamente, sugeriu os modos pelos quais essa legislação e seus instrumentos de aplicação puderam ser compreendidos e reinterpretados pela classe trabalhadora, que estava ciente e em negociação com os programas defendidos pelos patrões ou pelo intervencionismo estatal. Durante o percurso analítico, foram consultados os anais da Assembleia Constituinte de 1946 e os diplomas normativos que disciplinaram as paredes no período. De maneira complementar, foram cotejadas outras fontes de discussão legislativa e judiciária, sobretudo compêndios de juristas e artigos de periódicos especializados em Direito Social, como o "Boletim do Ministério do Trabalho, Indústria e Comércio", a "Legislação do Trabalho", a "Justiça do Trabalho" e a "Revista Forense". / Abstract: The present work is a study of the social, legislative and legal struggles that led to the right to strike, with the enactment of the Brazilian Federal Constitution of 1946, and to its regulation by the Decree No 9.070, in March of the same year. This research investigates the construction of the legal devices on strikes as a result of a complex socio-political process, of which both employees and employers took part (of course, not equally). Moreover, it analyzes how the organized working class, aware of the programs defended by both the State interventionism and the employers, could receive these legal devices and could negotiate about them. During the development of the research, the annals of the Constituent Assembly of 1946 were consulted as well as the regulatory instruments of the strikes at that time. Some jurists¿ books and magazines specialized in Social Rights were also consulted, such as the "Boletim do Ministério do Trabalho, Indústria e Comércio", "Legislação do Trabalho", "Justiça do Trabalho" and the "Revista Forense" / Mestrado / Historia Social / Mestre em História

Bibliography: pages 275-286. / Focussing primarily on black teacher groups, this dissertation will describe the remarkable events within teacher politics in the Western Cape in the 1980s, following from the Soweto uprising of 1976. The decade of the eighties marked massive changes in the political and educational context within which teachers worked. After 1976, schools became the focus of opposition to the apartheid state. The atmosphere within schools changed as many students rejected the schooling proffered them by the state, and the "professional" implementation of state schooling by teachers. The liberation movement grew as the decade progressed, bolstered by a militant black trade union movement. The liberation struggle expanded and community-based protest drew schools into a broader, societal opposition to the state. The nature of schooling changed, as students and other elements of the liberation movement rejected apartheid education, and began fostering alternative education. Most notably, People's Education articulated both a rejection of state education and a desire for relevant, democratic schooling.

“Mining Interruption” tackles the question of how to make sense of disaster by exploring the Soma mine disaster. On May 13, 2014, an explosion in the Eynez underground lignite coal mine caused a fire that blocked the exit, sealing in 301 mineworkers who died of carbon monoxide poisoning in the town of Soma, in the city of Manisa, in Aegean Turkey. While the European Union was becoming relatively greener next door, coal extraction had begun to increase in Turkey after the Justice and Development Party [Adalet ve Kalkınma Partisi] came to power in early 2000s. The relative decline of coal in the Global North paved the way for increased amounts of internal coal extraction and consumption in the energy geographies of the Global South and other non-Western countries as well as of Indigenous lands. The shift created biopolitically, socially, and technologically renewed forms of exploitation of labor, bodies, and nature, which contextualize the Soma mine disaster. Based on 18 months of ethnographic fieldwork and 68 open-ended interviews conducted in the Soma Coal Basin, this dissertation presents one constellation of the disaster by exploring four figures—The Accidented, the Bride, the Deserving, and the Striker—both as effects and as ongoing temporalities of the disaster. It contributes to critical disaster studies by defining and studying disaster not as a category of event, but as a concept through which multiple temporalities, lived experiences, and knowledges hang together. This loose definition of disaster is complemented by a reinterpretation of Walter Benjamin’s take on one of Bertolt Brecht’s most important dramaturgical techniques: interruption. In the dissertation, interruption is re-conceptualized as an experiential (hence temporal) concept that captures out-of-the-ordinary moments or flashes that interrupt everyday life in a way that permits a reevaluation of historical-material conditions. Interruptions are openings through which people may or may not follow an accidental course of action in order to overcome, better deal with, or politically respond to their conditions. The multiplicity of interruptions that are integral to the ongoing Soma mine disaster intersect with labor, fossil fuel production and its toxic effects, disability/debility, gendered oppression, disaster management, and social assistance. Some of these interruptions are experienced as rupturing events while others are perceived below the threshold of the event as such—as noneventful or not-so-eventful sensibilities, intensities and material changes. Each figure in question is a constellation in itself, a web of interdependencies, ruptures and materialities formed among human beings, state actors, coal, land, tobacco and other plants, limbs, organs, and names. In “The Accidented,” by examining mineworkers’ experiences and the terminology of becoming accidented (a direct translation of the term kazalanmak [in infinitive form]) through work accidents, the dissertation presents a critique both of existing disability assessment techniques and processes, and of understandings of disability as identity, which peripheralize labor-related and other experiences of (dis)ability and debility. In “The Bride,” by surveying the pervasive rumors about the widows of the 301 mineworkers, and their naming by the townspeople as “the brides,” the dissertation studies the differential treatment of the families of the 301 and the rest of the mining community through the state’s twofold disaster management strategy, and the ways in which people deal with this treatment through gossip, resentment, and kinship ties. In so doing, the dissertation also explores how affinal kinship relations have been transformed in the region due to the rise of coal mining, which coincides with the heightened neoliberalization of agriculture. In “The Deserving,” by investigating the materiality and movement of the lignite coal that is known as “Soma coal,” the dissertation articulates the ways in which the lives and desires of working-class and peasant communities have been reshaped through coercion, patronage, ideological interpellation, and the subjectivizing effects of Soma coal. It presents Soma coal as a pedagogical infrastructure that has emerged through the materiality of coal, and the regimes and networks of labor and welfare provision in contemporary Turkey. Finally, through the figure of “The Striker,” the dissertation examines the three-year long compensation struggle and protests of Soma and Ermenek mineworkers (2019–2021) as a set of emergency strikes that interrupted various processes, technologies, social networks, and modes of life that are formally and/or really subsumed within capital. The concept of “emergency strike” is used in order to encapsulate a form of strike that emerges with whatever means available in a given context, and as a collective act of seizing perceived last chances. This discussion builds on a recent wave of theorization concerning forms of unconventional strike that aim to disarticulate mechanisms and processes of real subsumption and/or state sovereignty. The dissertation shows how mineworkers organized against the backdrop of the Soma mine disaster. In doing so, it demonstrates how mineworkers re-exceptionalized their living and working conditions under a state of exception that has become the rule in Turkey since the 2016 coup attempt while it had already become the rule in the Soma Basin after May 13, 2014.

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