Text in Afrikaans / In hierdie studie is gepoog om die sogenaamde "reg om te staak" aan die hand van nasionale en internasionale invloede te ontleed. Dit is veral die International labour Organisation se voorstelle wat 'n invloed gehad het om die Suid-Afrikaanse reg in lyn met die internasionale posisie te bring. Daar word egter gewys op die beperkinge van die reg om te staak, byvoorbeeld in die geval van noodsaaklike dienste en staatsdiensamptenare. Vervolgens is die Suid-Afrikaanse stakingsreg onder die loep geneem en is daar gekyk na die gemene reg, statutere reg en die gevolge van 'n staking. Die Suid-Afrikaanse reg is toe vergelyk met 'n aantal ILO-beginsels. Die moontlike invloed van die Grondwet, 200 van 1993 op die arbeidsreg is bespreek. Die ·studie konkludeer dat, alhoewel daar nie 'n absolute reg om te staak is nie, sodanige reg onder sekere omstandighede erken moet word. / The aim of the study was to analyse the so-called "right to strike" by looking at national as well as international influences on the subject. The suggestions by the International labour Organisation in particular had an influence on changing the South African position. The limitations on the right to strike were also scrutinized. The South African strike law was discussed. The common law position, statutory law as well as the consequences of a strike were analysed. The South African position was also compared with a few llO principles. The possible influence of the Constitution, Act 200 of 1993 on labour law was discussed. The study concluded that, althot:.Jgh there is not an absolute right to strike, such a right must be recognized in certain circumstances. / Mercentile Law / LL. M.

Text in Afrikaans / In hierdie studie is gepoog om die sogenaamde "reg om te staak" aan die hand van nasionale en internasionale invloede te ontleed. Dit is veral die International labour Organisation se voorstelle wat 'n invloed gehad het om die Suid-Afrikaanse reg in lyn met die internasionale posisie te bring. Daar word egter gewys op die beperkinge van die reg om te staak, byvoorbeeld in die geval van noodsaaklike dienste en staatsdiensamptenare. Vervolgens is die Suid-Afrikaanse stakingsreg onder die loep geneem en is daar gekyk na die gemene reg, statutere reg en die gevolge van 'n staking. Die Suid-Afrikaanse reg is toe vergelyk met 'n aantal ILO-beginsels. Die moontlike invloed van die Grondwet, 200 van 1993 op die arbeidsreg is bespreek. Die ·studie konkludeer dat, alhoewel daar nie 'n absolute reg om te staak is nie, sodanige reg onder sekere omstandighede erken moet word. / The aim of the study was to analyse the so-called "right to strike" by looking at national as well as international influences on the subject. The suggestions by the International labour Organisation in particular had an influence on changing the South African position. The limitations on the right to strike were also scrutinized. The South African strike law was discussed. The common law position, statutory law as well as the consequences of a strike were analysed. The South African position was also compared with a few llO principles. The possible influence of the Constitution, Act 200 of 1993 on labour law was discussed. The study concluded that, althot:.Jgh there is not an absolute right to strike, such a right must be recognized in certain circumstances. / Mercentile Law / LL. M.

Text in Afrikaans / Werknemers is benewens sekere hoogs uitsonderlike gevalle altyd voor ontslag op substantiewe - en prosessuele billikheid geregtig, hetsy in 'n individuele ofkollektiewe verband. Prosessuele billikheid in besonder het 'n inherente waarde, o.a. omdat die uiteinde van 'n proses nie voorspel kan word nie. Die werkgewer word ook daardeur in staat gestel om die feite te bekom, en arbeidsvrede word daardeur gehandhaaf. Van verdere belang vir prosessuele billikheid is die nakoming van eie of ooreengekome prosedures, die beskikbaarstelling van genoegsame inligting, voorafkennisgewing en bona fide optrede deur die werkgewer. Die primere remedie in die geval van 'n onbillike ontslag is herindiensstelling, alhoewel herindiensstelling nie in die geval van 'n prosessuele onbillike ontslag beveel behoort te word nie. Die riglyne soos in die verlede deur die howe en arbiters ontwikkel is grootliks in die Konsepwet op Arbeids= verhoudinge, soos bevestig in die Wet op Arbeidsverhoudinge, 1995, gekodifiseer. / Prior to dismissal employees are always entitled to substantive - and procedural fairness, be it in an individual or a collective context, subject to highly exceptional circumstances. Procedural fairness in particular has an inherent value, inter alia because the outcome of a process cannot be predicted. The employer also thereby establishes the facts and by conducting a process, labour peace is promoted. Also of importance for procedural fairness is adherance to own or agreed procedures, providing the employee with sufficient information, prior notification and bona fide conduct by the employer. The primary remedy in the case of an unfair dismissal is reinstatement, though reinstatement should not follow in the case of a dismissal which is (only) procedurally unfair. The guidelines as developed by the courts and arbitrators have largely been codified in the Draft Labour Relations Bill, as subsequently confirmed in the Labour Relations Act, 1995. / Mercentile Law / LL. M.

Thesis (MPhil)--Stellenbosch University, 2002. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: The thesis is an analysis of the strikes at Volkswagen SA during the period 1999-2000 and its social and political outcomes. Seen from a broader perspective, it is a case study of social conflict in a young democracy after the formal demise of apartheid in 1994. By the time (i.e. early in 2000) events reached a climax, the company had lost millions of Rand in revenue and more than 1300 workers their jobs. The thesis wants to explain how this came to be - despite attempts by the company to establish a pluralistic industrial relations culture that go back to the early 1990s and after, ostensibly, gaining the consent of the shop stewards committee at the factory and the NUMSA leadership for a lucrative ("A4") export agreement. After studying the literature and the press, interviewing key actors in the "drama", and closely following the proceedings of the CCMA and the Labour Court, the thesis comes up with an explanation more complex than the "conventional" ones offered during and after the strike. The immediate cause of the strike action was the nonacceptance of the terms of the export agreement by 13 shop stewards and their supporters. These shop stewards had been elected onto the VW shop steward council after their union (i.e. NUMSA) and the company had concluded the agreement. When they came out in open defiance of the agreement, they were suspended by the union for their unconstitutional action. They subsequently tried to rally their followers for their own reinstatement. However, the thesis shows that the strikes of 1999 and 2000 were merely two more outbursts of shop floor tension and conflict that had been dormant for a long time. Before and after 1994, there existed informal structures and factions at the shop floor level which refused to tow the official NUMSA "line" - a policy which increasingly started to embrace the ethos of "reconstruction" and economic competitiveness. Neither the union leadership, nor company management were able to deal with these informal structures and bring the dissident faction under control. Although the potential for more cooperation and trust did exist, both the union leadership and management failed to turn this into "social capital". The thesis suggest that this may have been possible, if there had been more direct forms of worker participation (over and above the shop stewards committee). Also, the haemorraging of the union leadership after 1994, and the increasing bureaucratisation of industrial relations did nothing to improve the situation. To make matters worse, the thesis argues, the terms ofthe export agreement were not properly communicated to the union rank and file. To top it all, the thesis provides ample evidence that the VW workers could not record any extra material gains in exchange for more flexible working arrangements in the wake of the shift from "Fordism" to "Lean Production" at the Uitenhage factory. Here, "wealth creative" industrial relations did not accompany the shift to lean production, as post-Fordist theory would like to suggest. When the 13 shop stewards and a certain percentage of the VW workforce came out in protest against this arrangement, no special efforts were made to mediate the conflict. The "fallout" of the conflict includes hundreds of millions of Rand in lost company revenue, more unemployment in one of the poorest regions of South Africa, a drawn out legal process and political divisions in worker ranks and in the Uitenhage community. Although NUMSA admits to a "wakeup call", the relationship between the COSA TU affiliated union and the state is as close as ever. In the eyes of the thesis, however, the case of the VW strike, including the direct intervention of the head of state, is proof that the young, post-settlement democracy is not yet able to deal with social conflict in a mature way. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Die tesis is 'n analise van die stakings by Volkswagen SA tydens die periode 1999- 2000 en sy sosiale en politieke gevolge. Gesien vanuit 'n breer perspektief, is dit 'n gevallestudie van sosiale konflik in 'n jong demokrasie na die formele be'indiging van apartheid in 1994. Teen die tyd (vroeg in 2000) wat gebeure 'n hoogtepunt bereik het, het die maatskappy honderde miljoene Rande in inkomste verloor en meer as 1300 werkers hul werk. Die tesis wil verklaar waarom dit gebeur het - ten spyte van die pogings deur die firma sedert die vroee 1990s om 'n pluralistiese arbeidsverhoudingskultuur te skep en nadat die "shop stewards" komitee by die fabriek en die NUMSA leirskap oenskynlik sy instemming gegee het tot 'n lonende ("A4") uitvoerkontrak. Na 'n studie van die literatuur en die pers, onderhoude met sleutel akteurs in die "drama" en 'n noukeurige monitering van die verrigtinge by die CCMA en die arbeidshof, kom die tesis na vore met 'n verklaring wat meer kompleks is as die wat tydens die staking en daama aangebied is. Die onmidellike oorsaak van die staking was die nie-aanvaarding van die uitvoer ooreenkoms deur 13 "shop stewards" en hul ondersteuners. Hierdie "shop stewards" is verkies tot die VW "shop steward" komitee midat die unie (d.w.s. NUMSA) en die maatskappy die ooreenkoms gesluit het. Toe hulle openlike opposisie teen die ooreenkoms gewys het, is hulle deur die unie geskors vir hul onkonstitusionele optrede. Hulle het daama hul ondersteuners probeer mobiliseer vir die herstel van hul posisies. Die tesis wys egter dat die stakings van 1999 en 2000 bloot nog twee uitbarstings was van 'n smeulende fabrieksvloer konflik en spanning wat vir 'n lank tyd reeds sluimerend was. V oor en mi 1994 het daar informele strukture en faksies op die fabrieksvloer bestaan wat geweier het om die amptelike beleid van NUMSA te volg - 'n beleid wat toenemend die etos van "rekonstruksie" en ekonomiese mededingendheid aangeneem het. Nog die unie leierskap, nog die maatskappy bestuur was instaat om die informele strukture te hanteer en die afwykende faksie onder beheer te bring. Alhoewel die potensiaal vir meer samewerking en vertroue bestaan het, het beide die unie leierskap en die bestuur daarin gefaal om dit te omvorm tot "sosiale kapitaal". Die tesis suggereer dat dit moontlik sou gewees het as daar 'n meer direkte vorm van werkers deelname (bo en behalwe die "shop stewards" komitee) bestaan het. Die verlies aan kwaliteit leiers mi 1994, sowel as die toenemende burokratisering van arbeidsverhoudings het ook nie gehelp om die situasie te beredder me. Om dinge te vererger, redeneer die tesis, is die klousules van die uitvoer ooreenkoms nie behoorlik aan die gewone unie lede verduidelik nie. Om alles te kroon, voorsien die tesis genoeg bewyse dat die VW werkers nie enige ekstra materiele voordele kon aanteken in ruil vir meer buigsame werksreelings as deel van die skuif vanaf "Fordisme" na "Lean Production" by die fabriek in Uitenhage nie. Hier het "welvaartskeppende" arbeidsverhoudings nie hand-aan-hand gegaan met die skuif na "lean production, soos post-Fordistiese teorie wil suggereer nie. Toe die 13 "shop stewards" en 'n sekere persentasie van die VW arbeidsmag openlik daarteen geprotesteer het, is geen spesiale poging aangewend om die konflik te besleg nie. Die skade van die konflik sluit honderde miljoene Rande aan verlore maatskappy inkomste, meer werkloosheid in een van Suid-Afrika se armste streke, 'n uitgerekte regsproses en politieke verdeeldheid onder werkers en in die Uitenhage gemeenskap in. Alhoewel NUMSA erken dat hulle "wakkergeskrik" het, is die verhouding tussen die COSA TU geaffilieerde vakunie en die staat so eng soos vantevore. In die oe van· die tesis egter, is die geval van die VW staking, insluitende die direkte ingryping deur die staatshoof, 'n bewys daarvan dat die jong, post-skikking demokrasie nog nie gereed is om sosiale konflik op 'n ryp manier te hanteer nie.

A confluência entre eventos do movimento operário e a atuação de cineastas de esquerda nos anos 1970, produziu obras importantes para o documentarismo brasileiro. Dentre elas, o filme Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), uma obra audiovisual de impacto epocal, que narrou a disputa entre três correntes ideológicas e programáticas distintas, a concorrer à presidência do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo, em 1978. Ao final daquela década, a política brasileira foi surpreendida por manifestações e greves operárias de grandes proporções. As chamadas Greves das Comissões ocorreram em São Paulo, região que movimentava um dos maiores PIBs do país, em plena transição democrática. Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas é uma obra filmográfica que construiu narrativas sobre este acontecimento e período histórico. Os diretores, Roberto Gervitz e Sérgio Toledo Segall, foram convidados pela Chapa 3, a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica de São Paulo (OSM-SP), uma das concorrentes ao pleito, para registrar o processo dessa campanha eleitoral. Durante as filmagens ocorreram as grandes greves paulistas, tanto em São Paulo, quanto na região industrial do ABC, acontecimentos que acabaram por permear a construção narrativa e a perspectiva política da obra. Nesta tese, analisamos Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas enquanto registro das atividades da Oposição Sindical. O filme foi lido como uma intervenção política e estética, que construiu uma nova representação sobre a classe operária e popular, o qual nos permitiu mapear o debate, as expectativas e os impasses político-culturais travados no campo das esquerdas nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisamos problemáticas postas na obra que, de certo modo, nutriram a matriz de pensamento de uma nova esquerda emergente no país, que culminou na criação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), fundado dois anos após a realização do filme. / The confluence between worker movement events and the role played by leftist filmmakers in the 1970s, resulted in important Brazilian documentary making. The film, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), an audiovisual work of epochal impact, narrates the dispute between three ideologies and programs running for the metallurgic union in São Paulo, in 1978. At the end of that decade, Brazilian politics would be overcome with massive protests and worker strikes. The Commission Strikes happened during the democratic transition in São Paulo, the region with one of the highest GDPs in the country. The narrative plot in the film directed by Roberto Gervitz and Sérgio Toledo Segall takes place during this historical event and period. The directors were invited by Chapa 3, which represented the candidacy São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition (OSM-SP), to document their electoral campaign. During the shooting, there were big strikes in São Paulo and in the industrial ABC region, and these events shaped the narrative building and the films entire perspective. In this thesis, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines is analyzed as a report of the activities undertaken by São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition. It is analyzed as a political and aesthetic intervention that would come to create a new representation of the working class. It allowed for the mapping of the debate on expectations and political and cultural impasses, at a time the leftists were being redefined. This would all lead to the matrix of an emergent left wing and the subsequent establishment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT- Workers Party) two years after the film was produced.

Submitted by Filipe dos Santos (fsantos@pucsp.br) on 2018-11-12T10:56:13Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Polyana Alves Almeida da Silva.pdf: 1405668 bytes, checksum: c59b9f3a01edd2009a35e096093d6329 (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-12T10:56:13Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Polyana Alves Almeida da Silva.pdf: 1405668 bytes, checksum: c59b9f3a01edd2009a35e096093d6329 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-09-21 / Conselho Nacional de Pesquisa e Desenvolvimento Científico e Tecnológico - CNPq / This research proposes to unveil the female protagonism in the world of work from the information gathered in the press about its performance in the strikes of 1917. We have examined four journals such as A Plebe, O Debate, O Graphico and the Gazeta de Notícias to analyze the presence of workers in the striking movements, in the working-class alloys of neighborhoods, as well as their protagonism outside the factory space, that is, in the daily routine of domestic and family organization. For reflection on this aspect of the dissertation we take the concept of "Work" by K. Marx, understood as a process between nature and human being, therefore, an activity inherent to creativity and human action, which allowed the opposition to the perspectives which recognize only paid activities as work. The actions of these women are analyzed in the strikes of 1917 in São Paulo and in Rio de Janeiro, the leadership and actions of the bag seamstresses, who staged a "own" strike against the fraudsters of the patronage and at a fair price for your job. In addition, we investigated the factors that contributed to subsume the presence of the workers in such movements. We also see how the language used by the journals made it difficult to locate these women in these resistances at that historical moment and how, by their visibility, they were gradually referred to by terminations in the feminine (workers). This reflection enabled us to recover the contributions of these women to the achievements of the strikes, as well as to the formation of the working class / Esta pesquisa propõe desvelar o protagonismo feminino no mundo do trabalho a partir das informações colhidas na imprensa sobre sua atuação nas greves de 1917. Foram examinados quatro periódicos, tais como A Plebe, O Debate, O Graphico e o Gazeta de Notícias para analisar a presença das operárias tanto nos movimentos grevistas, nas ligas operárias de bairros, como também o seu protagonismo fora do espaço fabril, isto é, no cotidiano da organização doméstica e familiar. Para reflexão sobre esse aspecto da dissertação tomou-se o conceito de “Trabalho” de K. Marx, entendido como um processo entre a natureza e o ser humano, portanto, uma atividade inerente à criatividade e à ação humana, o que permitiu a contraposição às perspectivas que reconhecem como trabalho apenas atividades remuneradas. Analisaram-se as ações dessas mulheres nas greves de 1917 ocorridas em São Paulo e no Rio de janeiro, a liderança e atuações das costureiras de saco, as quais protagonizaram uma greve “própria” contra as falcatruas do patronato e por um preço justo para o seu trabalho. Ademais, investigaram-se os fatores que contribuíram para subsumir a presença das operárias em tais movimentos. Descortinou-se também como a linguagem utilizada pelos periódicos dificultou a localização dessas mulheres nessas resistências naquele momento histórico e como, por sua visibilidade, passaram a ser, gradativamente, referidas por terminações no feminino (operárias). Tal reflexão permitiu recuperar as contribuições daquelas mulheres para as conquistas que advieram das greves, como também para a formação da classe operária

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.

Este trabalho analisa os conflitos entre Estado, burguesia industrial e classe trabalhadora em torno da Lei de Férias. Aprovada em 1925, a medida foi duramente criticada pelo empresariado brasileiro, que não mediu esforços na hora de descumpri-la. A classe trabalhadora, que aparentemente não tinha essa como uma de suas grandes bandeiras de reivindicação, passou a exigir o cumprimento desse direito e a se organizar cada vez mais para tal. O Estado brasileiro, por sua vez, sobretudo após 1930, ao mesmo tempo em que legislava cada vez mais sobre as relações laborais no país, não garantia correspondente fiscalização, o que era percebido tanta pelos patrões quanto pelo operariado. Os escritos de cada um desses atores, suas denúncias, estratégias coletivas e especialmente a forma como se davam as diversas greves ocorridas no período aqui analisado (que vai até 1935, momento em que eclodem inúmeras paredes no Brasil) nos ajudam a reconstituir a história das disputas pelo direito a 15 dias de férias remuneradas no país. / This thesis analyzes the conflicts between state, industrial bourgeoisie and the working class around the Annual Leave. Approved in 1925, the measure was strongly criticized by Brazilian businessmen, which made every effort at the time to tease it. The working class, which apparently did not have this as one of its major claiming flags, began to enforce this right and to organize itself for it. The Brazilian government, in turn, especially after 1930, while legislated increasingly on working relations in the country, did not guaranteed a corresponding security inspection, which was perceived by employers as much as the working class. The writings of each of these actors, their complaints, collective strategies and especially the way the different strikes occurred in the period analyzed here (which runs until 1935, at which hatch numerous strikes in Brazil) help us to reconstruct the history of struggles over the right to 15 days of paid vacation in the country.

A confluência entre eventos do movimento operário e a atuação de cineastas de esquerda nos anos 1970, produziu obras importantes para o documentarismo brasileiro. Dentre elas, o filme Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), uma obra audiovisual de impacto epocal, que narrou a disputa entre três correntes ideológicas e programáticas distintas, a concorrer à presidência do Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Paulo, em 1978. Ao final daquela década, a política brasileira foi surpreendida por manifestações e greves operárias de grandes proporções. As chamadas Greves das Comissões ocorreram em São Paulo, região que movimentava um dos maiores PIBs do país, em plena transição democrática. Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas é uma obra filmográfica que construiu narrativas sobre este acontecimento e período histórico. Os diretores, Roberto Gervitz e Sérgio Toledo Segall, foram convidados pela Chapa 3, a Oposição Sindical Metalúrgica de São Paulo (OSM-SP), uma das concorrentes ao pleito, para registrar o processo dessa campanha eleitoral. Durante as filmagens ocorreram as grandes greves paulistas, tanto em São Paulo, quanto na região industrial do ABC, acontecimentos que acabaram por permear a construção narrativa e a perspectiva política da obra. Nesta tese, analisamos Braços Cruzados, Máquinas Paradas enquanto registro das atividades da Oposição Sindical. O filme foi lido como uma intervenção política e estética, que construiu uma nova representação sobre a classe operária e popular, o qual nos permitiu mapear o debate, as expectativas e os impasses político-culturais travados no campo das esquerdas nacionais. Ao mesmo tempo, analisamos problemáticas postas na obra que, de certo modo, nutriram a matriz de pensamento de uma nova esquerda emergente no país, que culminou na criação do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), fundado dois anos após a realização do filme. / The confluence between worker movement events and the role played by leftist filmmakers in the 1970s, resulted in important Brazilian documentary making. The film, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines (GERVITZ et SEGALL, 1978), an audiovisual work of epochal impact, narrates the dispute between three ideologies and programs running for the metallurgic union in São Paulo, in 1978. At the end of that decade, Brazilian politics would be overcome with massive protests and worker strikes. The Commission Strikes happened during the democratic transition in São Paulo, the region with one of the highest GDPs in the country. The narrative plot in the film directed by Roberto Gervitz and Sérgio Toledo Segall takes place during this historical event and period. The directors were invited by Chapa 3, which represented the candidacy São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition (OSM-SP), to document their electoral campaign. During the shooting, there were big strikes in São Paulo and in the industrial ABC region, and these events shaped the narrative building and the films entire perspective. In this thesis, Crossed Arms, Stopped Machines is analyzed as a report of the activities undertaken by São Paulos Metallurgic Union Opposition. It is analyzed as a political and aesthetic intervention that would come to create a new representation of the working class. It allowed for the mapping of the debate on expectations and political and cultural impasses, at a time the leftists were being redefined. This would all lead to the matrix of an emergent left wing and the subsequent establishment of the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT- Workers Party) two years after the film was produced.

A greve é um instrumento de força e pressão dos trabalhadores, constituindo um mecanismo de autotutela. O ordenamento jurídico brasileiro o reconhece como um direito constitucional e prevê a participação dos sindicatos para a sua deflagração. Entretanto, constatam-se greves que foram iniciadas sem a sua presença, objetivando a busca de melhores condições de trabalho e a defesa de posições contrárias ao sindicato da categoria. Nesse sentido, o presente trabalho tem como objetivo geral verificar se as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria decorrem da representação sindical dos trabalhadores prevista no atual modelo de organização sindical brasileiro. A pesquisa se pauta em um estudo dogmático, que partiu da revisão bibliográfica acerca do tema e adotou referenciais de análise de conteúdo a partir de acórdãos dos Tribunais Regionais do Trabalho e do Tribunal Superior do Trabalho que versaram sobre esses movimentos grevistas. Após a seleção do universo da pesquisa, verificou-se a presença de indicativos de que a representação sindical dos trabalhadores decorrentes do modelo de organização sindical brasileiro é um fator determinante para as greves sem a presença do sindicato da categoria, especialmente pela falta de instrumentos que permitam a aferição da representatividade dos sindicatos. / The strike is a instrument of force and pressure of the workers, constituting a mechanism of self-protection. The Brazilian legal system recognizes it as a constitutional right and establishes the participation of trade unions in its outbreak. However, it was observed that strikes were initiated without the trade union presence, aiming at the search for better working conditions and the defense of opposing positions to the union of the workers category. In this sense, the research work has as general objective verify if the strikes without the presence of the union of the workers category arise from the workers union representation established in the current model of Brazilian union organization. The research is based on a dogmatic study, which started with the bibliographical review on the subject and adopted benchmarks of content analysis of judgments of the Regional Labor Courts and the Superior Labor Court that handled these striking movements. After the selection of the research universe, it was verified the presence of indications that the workers union representation resulting from the Brazilian union organization model is a determining factor for strikes without the presence of the trade union of the workers category, especially due the lack of instruments to verify the unions representativeness.