by Fung Siu Yin. / Thesis (M.Phil.)--Chinese University of Hong Kong, 1995. / Includes bibliographical references (leaves [3-8] (2nd gp.)). / Abstract / Acknowledgements / Contents / Chapter Chapter One --- Introduction --- p.1 / Chapter Chapter Two --- Theoretical Framework Beyond Resource Mobilization --- p.19 / Chapter Chapter Three --- "The Cathay Strike： Background, Grievances and Confrontation" --- p.46 / Chapter Chapter Four --- A Diagnosis of Cathay Pacific Corporate Culture and the Formation of Identity and Solidarity --- p.73 / Chapter Chapter Five --- The Corporate Culture and the Micromobilization Process --- p.86 / Chapter Chapter Six --- The Identity of Team Culture Culture of Solidarity: Camaraderie Culture --- p.110 / Chapter Chapter Seven --- Conclusion Bringing Culture back in Collective Action --- p.128 / Appendix / Bibliography

Orientador: Agueda Bernardete Bittencourt / Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Faculdade de Educação / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-15T05:44:41Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Stock_SuzetedeCassiaVolpato_D.pdf: 14318383 bytes, checksum: 8957fe19b659b12cfa114d7cf77e84c0 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2009 / Resumo: Esta pesquisa estuda a história da construção e destruição da vila operária de Carioba localizada no município de Americana, SP (1901 a 1983). Procura compreender a organização social, as relações estabelecidas por distintos grupos de imigrantes operários e as articulações e disputas travadas pelos proprietários da vila e da indústria de tecidos que culminaram no prestígio que Carioba adquiriu na cidade e região. Busca indícios e marcas do declínio da fábrica de tecidos que levou ao encerramento de suas atividades e a destruição da vila. Revela a tumultuada relação do Grupo Abdalla com os operários e o uso da grande greve de Carioba como uma das estratégias utilizadas na solução dos conflitos entre empresários e militares. Ao narrar como se deu a desocupação da vila, o movimento de resistência dos moradores e as demolições das casas dos operários, este estudo torna visível o jogo de interesses dos proprietários, do Poder Público Municipal e de políticos de distintas tendências ao longo do tempo. E analisa a construção da memória de Carioba, a disputa de seu lugar na história após sua destruição. Uma luta travada por antigos moradores que garantiu a preservação de uma imagem de Carioba como um lugar paradisíaco, jogando no esquecimento os conflitos e a própria complexidade das relações entre operários e proprietários, partidos políticos e grupos de imigrantes. O estudo examinou: discursos, fotografias, testemunhos e os brasões da cidade de Americana, sem deixar de considerar as estratégias de construção da memória registrada em símbolos municipais, além da nomeação de inúmeros logradouros públicos com nomes de cariobenses. / Abstract: This research deals with the construction and destruction of worker's village of Carioba, located in the city of Americana, SP (1901-1983). It aims to comprehend the social organization, the relationships established by different groups of immigrant workers, and the articulations and disputes set between the village's and the fabric industry's owners, which resulted in the prestige Carioba achieved within the city and the region it is part of. Besides, it searches for evidences and signs of the fabric industry decadence, which led to its end and to the destruction of the village. It also reveals the disturbed relationship between the Abdalla Group and the workers, as well as the use of Carioba's great strike as part of the strategy adopted to solve the conflicts between the entrepreneurs and the militaries. By addressing how the departing, the residents' movement of resistance and the demolition of the workers' houses occurred, this study makes it possible to see the lobby games played over the time by the owners, the municipal authorities and the politicians of different trends. It also analyses the construction of Carioba's memory, its fight for a place in history after its destruction. Such fight led by the ancient residents guaranteed the preservation of Carioba's image of a paradisiacal place, leaving the conflicts and the complex relationship between workers and owners, and between political parties and immigrant groups to be forgotten. This study examined: speeches, photographs, testimonials and Americana's Arm, not disconsidering the strategies for the construction of the memory featured in the municipal symbols, along with the naming of numerous public spaces with names of Carioba natives. / Doutorado / Educação, Conhecimento, Linguagem e Arte / Doutor em Educação

The South African agricultural sector is of great economic importance; not only does it contribute to Gross Domestic Product (GDP), it is also a significant provider of employment. On average, a South African producer feeds approximately 1 600 people compared to the average in Africa of only 26 people and, therefore, the South African agricultural sector is key in providing food security in South Africa. Over the last number of years, South African producers have experienced mounting pressure when it comes to producing profitably. A recent announcement of a 51% increase in agricultural minimum wages resulted in retrenchments by producers in an attempt to reduce production costs. Furthermore, rising production costs, including the cost of labour, have left producers considering alternatives such as mechanisation and/or diversifying into other sectors. Other more drastic measures include relocating or diversifying agricultural activities to other African countries in search of more profitable investments and other benefits such as affordable labour. However, when considering relocating, the cost of labour in the host country will be a determining factor. The main objective of this study was to determine the financial viability of producing in South Africa compared to Mozambique focusing on labour cost. In-depth, structured interviews with experts in this study field were conducted in order to determine the stability of the labour market in South Africa and Mozambique and also to examine the possibility of a link between higher wages and the level of development or mechanisation in the grain sector. The findings include that cheap labour is available in Mozambique and can possibly add value to the grain-producing value chain cycle. However, other factors including the lack of a properly developed market and insufficient infrastructure may counter the possible cost advantages that could be gained through cheaper labour costs. A decision matrix was developed for grain producers as decision-making tool when considering relocating or diversifying agricultural activities to another African country. / MCom (Management Accountancy), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

The South African agricultural sector is of great economic importance; not only does it contribute to Gross Domestic Product (GDP), it is also a significant provider of employment. On average, a South African producer feeds approximately 1 600 people compared to the average in Africa of only 26 people and, therefore, the South African agricultural sector is key in providing food security in South Africa. Over the last number of years, South African producers have experienced mounting pressure when it comes to producing profitably. A recent announcement of a 51% increase in agricultural minimum wages resulted in retrenchments by producers in an attempt to reduce production costs. Furthermore, rising production costs, including the cost of labour, have left producers considering alternatives such as mechanisation and/or diversifying into other sectors. Other more drastic measures include relocating or diversifying agricultural activities to other African countries in search of more profitable investments and other benefits such as affordable labour. However, when considering relocating, the cost of labour in the host country will be a determining factor. The main objective of this study was to determine the financial viability of producing in South Africa compared to Mozambique focusing on labour cost. In-depth, structured interviews with experts in this study field were conducted in order to determine the stability of the labour market in South Africa and Mozambique and also to examine the possibility of a link between higher wages and the level of development or mechanisation in the grain sector. The findings include that cheap labour is available in Mozambique and can possibly add value to the grain-producing value chain cycle. However, other factors including the lack of a properly developed market and insufficient infrastructure may counter the possible cost advantages that could be gained through cheaper labour costs. A decision matrix was developed for grain producers as decision-making tool when considering relocating or diversifying agricultural activities to another African country. / MCom (Management Accountancy), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus, 2014

Thesis (MBA)--Stellenbosch University, 2000. / Some digitised pages may appear cut off due to the condition of the original hard copy. / ENGLISH ABSTRACT: This assignment explores the issues surrounding conflict resolution in the South African Public Service and the expression of organised conflict with reference to the 1999 Public service wage dispute and strikes. The public service being part of the generic framework of the public sector is, in terms of employment, South Africa's single, largest employer. National Departments and Provinces reflect almost 70% of the Public Sector. Employment in the public sector used to be considered relatively stable and secure. Public sector employees were thus not seen as requiring protection from retrenchment. Employees had no bargaining rights and functioned outside the ambit of the Labour Relations Act (No 24 of 1956). In 1994, the Government of National Unity realized the importance of the South African public service, the major role it had to play in the reconciliation, reconstruction and development process in South Africa and thus the need for administrative transformation. The Public Service Labour Relations Act 1994 was replaced by the new Labour Relations Act (No 66 of 1995) in 1995. This Act now covers both the private and the public sector workers. The new legislation was an important step towards the creation of a machinery for collective bargaining. The Act made provision for the establishment of a Public Service Coordinating Bargaining Council and provided a model for collective bargaining, based on effective negotiating structures. According to the International Labour Organization, mediation and conciliation procedures are still the most frequent methods for settling economic disputes in the public service. In South Africa, the new Labour Relations Act introduced the Commission for Conciliation, Mediation and Arbitration. Since 1994, several problems have beset most public service workers because of the transformation process and workers started showing increasing interest in unionisation, mostly for the protection and the fulfillment of their needs. Wages were the single most important factor causing labour action and in 1999, a total of 3,1 million man-days were lost due to labour action. According to Ms Geraldine Fraser- Moleketi, minister of the Public Service and Administration, government and the unions should share the process to design a more suitable and manageable system of remuneration policy to prevent disputes such as the 1999 wage dispute in the future. The negotiations on the 1999 wage dispute took place over a record of 140 days. Public service unions rejected government's wage offers several times until the minister unilaterally implemented government's final offer of an average of 6,3% increase. This sent a tremor through the alliance and prompted joint action by Cosatu and Fedusa affiliated unions. Unions were caught completely unaware and dropped their demands from a 10% increase to 7,3%. Public servants took industrial action again, but the government still did not make a new offer. Minister Trevor Manuel warned that the government could not afford further increases. By September, union leaders still had faith that president Thabo Mbeki would indicate that talks would be resumed, but doors for future negotiations did not open. Ms Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi maintained that the government had gone out of its way to ensure a settlement. At the time of writing, the dispute is still continuing. Note: As most of the information regarding the Public Service Wage strike was obtained from the press, all articles referred to are included as an appendix. To facilitate the reference to these articles, a specific form of reference, namely 'PC n', was used in the relevant sections, the prefix 'PC' denoting that a press cutting has been referred to and the subscription 'n' denoting the relevant page number of the article contained in the appendix. The sources of the press cuttings (PC) are contained in the list of sources. / AFRIKAANSE OPSOMMING: Hierdie werkstuk ondersoek die aangeleenthede rondom konflik hantering in die Suid-Afrikaanse Staatsdiens en die uitdrukking van georganiseerde konflik met verwysing na die 1999 Staatsdiens Salaris Dispuut en Stakings. In terme van indiensneming is die staatsdiens in Suid-Afrika as deel van die publieke sektor die grootste enkel werkgewer. Nasionale Departemente en Provinsies reflekteer ongeveer 70% van die Publieke Sektor. Arbeid in die publieke sektor was voorheen redelik stabiel en verseker; dus was daar geen nut vir die beskerming van amptenare teen afdanking. Werkers het geen onderhandelingsregte gehad nie en het buite die raamwerk van die Arbeidswetgewing (No 24 of 1956) gefunksioneer. In 1994 het die nuwe regering van nasionale eenheid die belangrikheid van staatsamptenare en die rol wat hulle moet speel in die rekonstruksie en ontwikkelingsproses in Suid-Afrika besef en dus ook die behoefte vir transformering van die diens ingesien. Die Staatsdiens Arbeidswetgewing van 1994 is vervang deur die nuwe Arbeidswetgewing (No 66 van 1995) in 1995, wat beide staatsamptenare sowel as die privaatsektor insluit. Dit was ook 'n belangrike stap in die bevordering van kollektiewe bedinging. Die wet het voorsiening gemaak vir die vestiging van die Staatsdiens Koordinerings Bedingings Raad en 'n model vir kollektiewe bedinging, gebasseer op effektiewe onderhandelingsstrukture. Volgens die Internasionale Arbeidsorganisasie is mediasie en konsiliasie prosesse steeds die mees algemene metodes vir die hantering van ekonomiese dispute in die staatsdiens. In Suid-Afrika het die nuwe Arbeids Wetgewing voorsiening gemaak vir die instelling van die Kommissie vir Konsiliasie, Mediasie en Arbitrasie. Sedert 1994 het verskeie probleme vir staatsamptenare ontstaan as gevolg van die transformasie proses en amptenare het meer en meer belangstelling getoon in unie lidmaatskap om hulle belange te beskerm. Salarisse is dié belangrikste enkel faktor wat arbeidsonrus veroorsaak. In 1999 het daar 'n totaal van 3,1 miljoen werksdae verlore gegaan as gevolg van stakings. Die 1999 salaris dispuut en onderhandelings het oor 'n tydperk van 'n rekord getal, naamlik 140 dae, geduur. Unies wat staatsamptenare verteenwoordig het op verskeie geleenthede aanbiedinge van die regering van die hand gewys, totdat die minister 'n eenparige besluit geneem het om die finale aanbod van 6,3% salarisaanpassing in te stel. Dit het 'n skudding in die alliansies veroorsaak en het tot die gesamentlike aksie van Cosatu en Fedusa geaffillieerde unies gelei. Die unies is onkant betrap en het hul versoek van 'n 10% verhoging na 7,3% verminder. Staatsamptenare het weereens oorgegaan tot arbeidsaksie; terwyl die regering by hul finale aanbod gebly het. Minister Trevor Manuel het gewaarsku dat die regering nie meer kon bekostig nie. Teen September was vakbondleiers nog steeds hoopvol dat president Thabo Mbeki 'n aanduiding sou gee om met onderhandelings voort te gaan, maar die deure vir onderhandelings was gesluit. Minister Geraldine Fraser-Moleketi het volgehou dat die regering uit hul pad gegaan het om 'n ooreenkoms te bereik. Ten tye van skrywe was die geskil nog nie opgelos nie. Nota: As gevolg van die feit dat die meeste inligting aangaande die 1999 Staatsdiens Salaris Dispuut en Stakings uit die pers verkry is, word die artikels waarna verwys word, ingesluit as 'n bylae. Om die verwysing na hierdie artikels te vergemaklik, is 'n spesifieke formaat van verwysing gebruik, naamlik 'PC n'. In hierdie verwysing verwys die voorskrif 'PC' na 'n media artikel. Die letter 'n' verwys na die relevante bladsy nommer wat aan die artikel toegeken is. Die bronne van die persartikels verskyn in die bronnelys.

Αντικείμενο της παρούσας διπλωματικής εργασίας είναι η αναφορά των επιπτώσεων που προκαλούν οι κεραυνοί σε διατάξεις χαμηλής τάσης και o τρόπος, με τον οποίο ο άνθρωπος μπορεί να προστατέψει μια κατασκευή. Ώς μοντέλο, για να διαπιστωθεί αν η θεωρία μπορεί να γίνει πράξη, χρησιμοποιήθηκε ένα υπάρχον κτιριακό συγκρότημα που βρίσκεται σε περιοχή της Κύπρου, όπου κατά τη διάρκεια κεραυνικών πληγμάτων σημειώνονταν ηλεκτρολογικές ζημιές. Η μελέτη έγινε σύμφωνα με τους ισχύοντες διεθνείς κανονισμούς αντικεραυνικής προστασίας και τη σχετική βιβλιογραφική θεωρία. Μετά τη μελέτη και τον υπολογισμό όλων των υπολοίπων τμημάτων που απαρτίζουν το σύστημα αντικεραυνικής προστασίας ακολουθεί η σχεδίαση του στο πρόγραμμα σχεδίασης AutoCAD. Τέλος, με εξομοίωση του ισοδύναμου κυκλώματος, του ΣΑΠ, στο λογισμικό πρόγραμμα EMTP-ATP, μελετάται η μεταβατική συμπεριφορά του συστήματος γείωσης για να κριθεί αν το σύστημα που σχεδιάστηκε είναι αποτελεσματικό ή όχι. Το προτεινόμενο σύστημα αντικεραυνικής προστασίας όπως παρουσιάζεται στην πιο κάτω διπλωματική εργασία σύμφωνα με τα αποτελέσματα, μπορεί να παρέχει μια αξιόπιστη και ασφαλή λειτουργία του κτιριακού συγκροτήματος χωρίς περαιτέρω ζημιές. / The main subject of this thesis is the study and designing of a lighting strike protection system in an existing building complex. In addition, the consequences of lighting strikes in buildings are studied and what someone can do to protect buildings. In order to apply the theory in practice, an existing building complex located in Cyprus, is used as a model in order to design the lighting protection system, since damages were observed during several lighting strikes the last few years. The study and the design of the protection system is made by following the national lighting strike protection rules and theory presented in existing literature. The study and calculations of the other parts that belong to the complete lighting strike protection system are followed by the designing of the complete system in Autocad. Moreover, a study of the transient behaviour of the Earth-termination system is done via the simulation of the building complex by using the EMTP-ATP software. It is important to mention that the phenomenon of ionization is consider as well in this step. The proposed lighting protection system as it is presented in this thesis and according to the results, can provide a reliable and safe operation of the building complex without any further damages.

Most writing about "Red Clydeside" has come from writers overtly sympathetic to revolutionary ideals - whether the Clydesiders themselves or later academic admirers. It is hoped that a wider use of outside sources will help to provide a more detached view.

The topic of this thesis is the disputes between the teacher strikes 1966 and 1971 and how the labour movement perceived the teachers and the srikes throught the perspective of class. Various text sources from different agents within the labour movement has been examined. Interprations of two marxist theories and Bourdieus theory of habitus has been used to define various ”class perspectives”. The thesis argues that the labour movement percieved the teachers as a different class from the labourer and that the strikes were percieved as a threat to the labour movements interests.

Os metalúrgicos da região do ABC Paulista sofreram, desde o golpe militar em 1964, de um lado, a repressão política que impossibilitava a organização dos trabalhadores, tanto sindical como grevista; e de outro, o arrocho salarial e a carestia, causados pela política econômica do governo que, nesta época, era quem determinava os índices de reajuste salarial. Paralelamente, durante a década de 70, o Sindicato dos Metalúrgicos de São Bernardo do Campo e Diadema, progressivamente, adotou um discurso de aproximação aos trabalhadores. Ainda, muitos movimentos populares se organizaram neste período na Grande São Paulo, articulando-se com os movimentos sindicais. Tais processos desencadearam uma série de greves de trabalhadores do setor metalúrgico no ABC Paulista, em um ciclo que começou em 1978 e se estendeu até meados da década de 80. As greves marcaram a fundação do que se chama hoje de novo sindicalismo, além de ter raízes na fundação da CUT (Central Única dos Trabalhadores) e do PT (Partido dos Trabalhadores). A presente pesquisa tem por objetivo analisar, a partir de uma perspectiva psicossocial, a memória que trabalhadores metalúrgicos do ABC Paulista têm das greves, bem como dos processos que a antecederam. A psicologia social, ciência que foca o homem enquanto participante de grupos ou coletividades, que vive em companhia dos outros, é um campo do conhecimento adequado para a análise de fenômenos políticos, como foram as greves dos metalúrgicos do ABC. O recurso à memória, por meio de depoimentos, traz pistas de como se deu a participação do trabalhador na greve, assim como da relação dele com as pessoas envolvidas (colegas, sindicalistas, patrões). Foram entrevistados cinco metalúrgicos que participaram das greves referidas, e um que não participou das greves, mas viveu o momento em que elas aconteceram na condição de trabalhador metalúrgico. Foram feitas entrevistas semi-dirigidas, que privilegiaram a narrativa dos fatos vividos. A análise das entrevistas foi feita seguindo uma linha qualitativa, e foi dividida em quatro eixos, expostos a seguir: 1) Sobre os significados das greves, estes apareceram de múltiplas formas. As greves apareceram relacionadas à violência, à conquista de direitos e ao resgate de uma dignidade perdida; 2) A partir dos depoimentos percebe-se uma construção coletiva das memórias das greves, principalmente em relação aos acontecimentos com participação de grande número de pessoas, como as grandes assembleias. Cada depoente, no entanto, destaca o que foi marcante para si. E as narrativas de acontecimentos que tiveram uma participação ativa do depoente têm importante destaque nas entrevistas; 3) Nas trajetórias de formação política dos grevistas aparece com destaque a importância do sindicato e dos movimentos sociais, como o ligado à Igreja Católica. A mediação de tais movimentos coletivos exerce papel fundamental na conscientização sobre a organização política e social relacionada às greves; e 4) O entrelaçamento temporal nos depoimentos mostra que é inevitável a comparação dos fatos lembrados do passado com o momento presente. As avaliações das consequências das greves no presente e as perspectivas políticas para o futuro estão ligadas ao que o trabalhador construiu como horizonte utópico. / The metallurgist workers from the ABC Paulista area suffered, since the military coup détat in 1964, from on side, the political repression that made impossible the workers oragnization (either concerning to labor unions or to calling strikes); from the other, the salary devaluation and the accentuated raise of prices, caused by the the economical politics of the government that, in those times, was who determined the salary rates. At the same time, during the 1970s, the São Bernardo do Campo and Diadema Metallurgist Labor Union, pregressively, adopted the intention to get closer to the workers causes. Furthermore, many popular movements were organized during this period in the Great São Paulo, also tying up with the labor unions. Such processes leaded to a series of strikes of the metallurgist workers in the ABC Paulista, starting in 1978 and continiung until the mid 1980s. These strikes are related to the foundation of the so-called New Labor-Unionism, as well as having straight relations with the foundation of the CUT (an important labor union central in Brazil) and the PT (Workers Party). The aim of this research is to analyse, in a psycho-social perspective, the memories that the metallurgist workers have of these strikes, as well as the memories of the processes that preceded them. Social psychology, a science that has its focus on the person that takes part on groups or collectivities and that lives in company of others, is a suitable subject for the analysis of any political phenomena, such as the strikes. The support of the memory, brought up by the testimony of those who wer involved on the happenings, can give us clues of how the involvement of the workers in the strike were, as well as their relations with the people who took part on the processes (co-workers, union traders, bosses). Five metallurgist workers that took part os the strikes mentioned above were interviewed. Also one worker that didnt take part on the strikes, but was working in an metallurgist factory at that time, was interviewed. The interviews were based on the semi-direct method, focusing on the narration of the events. The analysis of the interviews was made according to a qualitative stream, and was divided in four axes, which are the following: 1) About the meaning of the strikes, these apperaed in multiple forms. They were related to violence, to the conquering of rights and to the rescue of a lost dignity; 2) A collective construction of the memory of the strikes was noticed, especially over the events that had a great amount of people involved, like some assemblies. Each interviewee, though, made stand out the facts that were most meaningful for himself. And the events that had an active participation of the interviewees had an important distinction on the narrations; 3) About the political upbringing of the strikers, the union trades and the social movements (such as the one linked to the catholic church) play an important role. The mediation of these movements are essential for bringing up the consciousness of the political and social organization related to the strikes; and 4) There is an inevitable interlacement between past and present during the remebering process. The judgement of the consequences of the strikes on the present and the political perspectives of the future are linked to how the worker constituted his utopic horizons.

The United States increasingly has resorted to the use of Unmanned Aerial Vehicles (UAVs) for targeted killings of terrorists as a counterterrorism strategy. More states and terrorist organizations also are acquiring UAVs and this development can lead to indiscriminate and unregulated use of UAVs. Previous researchers have indicated the surveillance ability and precise weapon delivery capacity of UAVs make them a weapon of choice for U.S. counterterrorism efforts. Although the U.S. government estimated the collateral damage involved in the use of UAVs at 3-5%, nongovernmental sources put it at 25-40%. A gap exists in the current literature regarding public perception of the use of UAVs as a counterterrorism measure and how international humanitarian law (IHL) may interpret employment of UAVs. The purpose of this quantitative, cross-sectional study is to determine if a relationship exists among public support of the use of UAVs for targeted killing, attitudes towards counterterrorism, and public perceptions of IHL. An online survey was used to collect data from 104 adult participants using the convenience sampling method. Logistic regression, ANOVA, and correlational analyses helped to determine the relationships. The outcomes contributed to the existing literature by providing important data related to public perception of the use of UAVs with the potential to enhance global peace and security. The results contributed to social change initiatives through the potential to facilitate the establishment of international and domestic legal frameworks to regulate the future employment of UAVs for targeted killing.