This thesis relates the resurgent evangelical Protestantism of mid-twentieth century New Zealand to the extensive international historiography which has emerged over the last thirty years, especially through the work of such scholars as David Bebbington in Britain and others in the USA, Canada and Australia. Understanding evangelicalism as a both an historical movement and a recurring set of doctrinal commitments, the new literature has highlighted evangelicalism as a trans-denominational and international movement, sharing such features as those identified in Bebbington�s quadrilateral. Weaving together the study of numerous key individuals, churches and organisations, the thesis argues that a self-aware, cross-denominational and fairly cohesive evangelical stream developed within New Zealand Protestantism between about 1930 and 1965. The thesis demonstrates that the university Evangelical Unions and the Inter-Varsity Fellowship (NZ) - both founded following a schism with the more liberal SCM in the early 1930s - were key factors in the reconstruction of evangelical identity and confidence and in the development of vigorous and expanding evangelical movements in New Zealand�s two largest Protestant denominations. The two key pre-war church leaders who inspired those movements, Thomas Miller (a confessionalist Presbyterian) and William Orange (a devotional Anglican), worked closely with the Evangelical Unions and IVF, and the leaders of the post-war evangelical movements (such as Graham Miller) had been significantly shaped by the EUs and IVF. Mid-century New Zealand evangelicalism was theologically conservative, but also emphasised reason, moderation and restraint, and those values were constantly reinforced by such leaders as Dr. John Laird and Professor E.M. Blaiklock. The renascent New Zealand evangelical movement rejected extremism, anti-intellectualism and ecclesiastical separatism. It explicitly distanced itself from American fundamentalism. In its outlook and cultural style, mid-twentieth century New Zealand evangelicalism largely reflected the prevailing Britishness of New Zealand in that period, and was strongly influenced by the British IVF. By the early 1960s, evangelicalism had become an increasingly significant element within Protestantism in New Zealand. As the movement matured, it had also become less cohesive.

本論文主要研究台灣學生本土宣言與香港學生宣言的相似處，且提供了此兩社群跨國界合作的機會。香港與台灣兩地的活動家在西元2014年1月13日正式接洽。香港及台灣泛民主團體的學生與政治家在台北舉行為期一周的會談，標誌著倡議民主的雙方首次接觸。 本次爭議以地方來說，主要是反對當地政府，以國際來講，則是反對中華人民共和國。此活動有利於民主、自決與身分認同。因此，兩次社會運動與兩方社群推行相似的目標及面對共同的敵人。會談後，雙方新階段的合作展現於台灣「太陽花學運」和香港「讓愛與和平佔領中環活動」。世界正在目睹跨國家社會運動間，為了加強其宣言力量而興起的趨勢。 本研究論點是基於社會運動影響理論，隨機在羅伯特·普特曼雙層賽局理論中，採用了道格·麥克亞當的集體行動間動態交互模型。該理論框架指出，一個國家的社會運動（香港或台灣）可以作為另一個社會的參考，尋求由地方政府創造「國際機會」（如：反對地方政策或一個國家：中華人民共和國）。這種情況已經出現於2014年9月28日，在香港突然出現的抗議活動。而且，幾乎立刻，近4000人聚集在台北的自由廣場以表支持。這樣一大群人，他們大多數為學生，在如此短的時間內聚集，此現象提供了本論文研究基礎，探討是否此情緒也在台灣學生中蔓延。 / The present thesis argues that the resemblance found between Taiwanese students in their local claims and those of Hong Kong students, has provided an opportunity for both societies to start collaborating at a transnational level. The first formal approach between Hong Kong and Taiwan activists came in January 13, 2014. Pro-democracy groups of students and politicians from Hong Kong and Taiwan gathered in Taipei for a weekend of talks. This marked the first real approach between both democratic advocates. Locally the struggle was directed at the governments and internationally against the PRC. The objectives of these movements favor democracy, identity and self-determination. Therefore, both social movements and societies push for similar objectives and share a common foe. After the meeting a new level of cooperation was reached between the two sides that was shown during the Sunflower movement in Taiwan and the Occupy the Central with Love and Peace OCLP in Hong Kong. The world is witnessing the dawn of a cross-national approach between social movements that seek to strengthen the force of their claims. The argument of the present study is based on the Social Movements Impact theory, using Professor’s Doug McAdam’s dynamic interactive model of a collective action, in a Robert Putman’s "Two Level-game" case of opportunity. This theoretical framework suggests that a social movement of one country (Hong Kong or Taiwan) can be used as a reference the society of another to renew the “international opportunity” (rejection of a local policy or a country: PRC) created by the local government. This case was seen on the on September 28, 2014 when abruptly emerged the protests in Hong Kong and, almost immediately, near four thousand people gathered at Taipei’s Liberty Square to show their support. The fact that such a large group of people, most of them students, gathered in so short period of time, provides the ground for the present study to explore if the sentiment is spread in the Taiwanese student community.

The central argument of this thesis is that a series of China's state policies, before and during the reform era, were conducive to the rise of the 1989 Chinese Student Movement (CSM). The most important of these were (1) leftist policies during Mao's era which fostered the formation of pro-democratic yet impractical intellectuals and created a university ecology that was remarkably conducive to student movements, and (2) the state-led reform which over produced students on the one hand, and blocked upward mobility channels for intellectuals and students on the other hand. These and other conducive factors to the rise of the 1989 CSM were not simply state mistakes. To a large extent, they were characteristic of the regime. / The thesis does not reject non-state centered factors such as anomic feelings toward uncertainties brought by the reform, the conflict between reformers and hardliners within the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), the rise of civil society during the eighties, the impact of Western ideologies following the open door policy or the intrinsic character of Chinese culture, that have all been hitherto proposed to explain the rise of the CSM. Rather, it incorporates these explanations under a state-centered paradigm in light of a general model (the DSSI model) that I am proposing to explain the general causes, and to a lesser extent, the dynamics of large scale social movements.

This thesis relates the resurgent evangelical Protestantism of mid-twentieth century New Zealand to the extensive international historiography which has emerged over the last thirty years, especially through the work of such scholars as David Bebbington in Britain and others in the USA, Canada and Australia. Understanding evangelicalism as a both an historical movement and a recurring set of doctrinal commitments, the new literature has highlighted evangelicalism as a trans-denominational and international movement, sharing such features as those identified in Bebbington�s quadrilateral. Weaving together the study of numerous key individuals, churches and organisations, the thesis argues that a self-aware, cross-denominational and fairly cohesive evangelical stream developed within New Zealand Protestantism between about 1930 and 1965. The thesis demonstrates that the university Evangelical Unions and the Inter-Varsity Fellowship (NZ) - both founded following a schism with the more liberal SCM in the early 1930s - were key factors in the reconstruction of evangelical identity and confidence and in the development of vigorous and expanding evangelical movements in New Zealand�s two largest Protestant denominations. The two key pre-war church leaders who inspired those movements, Thomas Miller (a confessionalist Presbyterian) and William Orange (a devotional Anglican), worked closely with the Evangelical Unions and IVF, and the leaders of the post-war evangelical movements (such as Graham Miller) had been significantly shaped by the EUs and IVF. Mid-century New Zealand evangelicalism was theologically conservative, but also emphasised reason, moderation and restraint, and those values were constantly reinforced by such leaders as Dr. John Laird and Professor E.M. Blaiklock. The renascent New Zealand evangelical movement rejected extremism, anti-intellectualism and ecclesiastical separatism. It explicitly distanced itself from American fundamentalism. In its outlook and cultural style, mid-twentieth century New Zealand evangelicalism largely reflected the prevailing Britishness of New Zealand in that period, and was strongly influenced by the British IVF. By the early 1960s, evangelicalism had become an increasingly significant element within Protestantism in New Zealand. As the movement matured, it had also become less cohesive.

The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union. The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters. Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)

No description available.

The author argues that beyond religious beliefs and conservative politics, rhetorical identification played an important role in the relative calmness of the BYU campus during the turbulent Sixties. Using Bitzer's rhetorical situation theory and Burke's identification theory, the author shows that BYU's calm campus can be explained as a result of communal identification with a conservative ethos. He also shows that apparent epistemological shortcomings of Bitzer's model can be resolved by considering the power of identification to create salience and knowledge in rhetorical situations. During the Sixties, BYU administration developed policies on physical appearance that invited students to take on a conservative identity, and therefore a conservative behavior. Relationships of power and hierarchy at BYU can be understood not as quantitative and oppressive matrices, but as rhetorical choices of students to identify with the character of school president, Ernest Wilkinson, and the administration. Power, then, is as Foucault envisioned it—as a field wherein identity and discourse are negotiated. This thesis argues for a more broad understanding of identification, ethos, and power for explaining rhetorical behavior in communal situations.

This study undertakes to explore the extent to which students at the Elijah Mango College are involved in college decision making structures. The whole process of “carrying” of major subjects was selected to crystallise the extent of this involvement. The varying patterns of meanings attributed by the students to this phenomena were explored. By way of a theoretical contribution, the researcher synthesised features of interpretive and resistance theories in education to further explain this involvement. The empirical component which is attendant on the theoretical elaboration undertakes to explore and capture the patterns of meanings that the students used as a rationale for their reflexive resp^ ,ses to the college decision making structures. The epistemology underlying this investigation also enabled the researcher to gain a sensitivity towards the meanings formulated by the students. / Sociology / M.A. (Sociology)

Text in English / This dissertation has examined the University Christian Movement (UCM) over its turbulent five year history from 1967 to 1972 in terms of the original hopes of the sponsoring ecumenical denominations. Contextual factors within the socio-political arena of South Africa as well as broader youth cultural influences are shown to have had a decisive influence. These factors help to explain the negative reaction from the founding churches. While this is not a thesis on Black Consciousness, nevertheless the contribution of the UCM to the rise of Black Consciousness and Black Theology is evaluated. UCM is shown to be a movement well ahead of its time as a forerunner in South Africa of Black Theology, contextual theology, feminism, modem liturgical styles, and intercommunion. As such it was held in suspicion. It suffered repressive action from the government and alienation from the churches. Constant cross referencing to other organisations such as the World Student Christian Federation, the National Union of South African Students, the South African Council of Churches, the Christian Institute, and the Sllldents Christian Association, helps to locate the UCM within the flow of contemporary history. The concluding evaluation differs markedly from the report of the Schlebusch Commission by making both critical and positive judgement from the perspective of the UCM as an ecumenical mission to students. / Christain Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / M.Th. (Missiology)

新聞報導是一種語藝的行動或一種說服之過程，也是一種真實的再現，透過不斷的傳播，建構出團體成員對外在世界的共同認知，逐漸成為閱聽人的共同印象。以社會運動來說，新聞工作者往往認為「衝突、對抗、造勢」等戲劇性效果，最具新聞價值，也最能代表社運，因此，媒體建構了社運，同時建構了人們對社運的印象。而以學生為主體的社會運動，因角色的轉換與社會的想像，使得媒體刻意在報導中多了些「保護」與「憐惜」，易產生與其它社會運動不同的報導取徑。 　　本研究以《聯合報》的野百合學運和太陽花學運的新聞報導作為研究對象，透過「幻想主題分析」的研究架構，輔以外在分析，探討單一媒體建構學運的語藝視野是否會隨著時代變遷而有所變化？ 　　研究發現，在《聯合報》語藝建構下，兩代學運呈現迥然不同的語藝視野，野百合學運的語藝視野為「憲政改革眾望所歸」和「民主自由難能可貴」；太陽花學運的語藝視野為「朝野惡鬥國會失能」和「民主之恥民主鬧劇」，並發現學運期間的讀者投書，具明顯的覆誦現象，形成一致的語藝社群，不僅如此，本研究同時驗證了單一媒體在建構不同世代學運的語藝視野，並不會全然產生相同的觀看視角與報導取徑。