Made available in DSpace on 2017-07-10T16:17:18Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 gabriel_paiva.pdf: 1077426 bytes, checksum: 25852ef172c5e68c06965a364bdc4af6 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-03-04 / This research examined the relationship of the National Union of Students (UNE) with the Lula government and the role of political parties in the entity during the period extending from 2003 to 2010. Based on authors such as Saldanha, Martins Filho, Bringel, we start from the assumption that the student movements for change are being mistaken to assign students a participation of a general nature and unchanging. After Lula s victory in the elections of 2002, UNE left the field of opposition to a collaborative relationship. Through the categories independence and democracy, our purpose was to understand the relationship of UNE with the government in preparation, proposing amendments and support to government projects. We used for this research, documents of the Congress of UNE, mainly theses defended by trends in youth political parties in the movement, programs and manifestation, of political parties that act in the entity; UNE documents that referred to the proposed policies on higher education; media news sources, reports the journal Movement, as well as documents and pamphlets of student movements. The testimonials and documents demonstrated the position of UNE, representing theoretical perspectives and policies that do not always appear explicitly, but when mediated by a conceptual framework, can help in understanding the positions taken by the entity. It was possible to understand from the testimonials and documents the role of UNE policy, implementation of government projects. Even before this fact the entity remained being fought by student trends, organized by political parties. Thus, we analyze the dispute between the parties within Congress UNE the direction of the entity. The final remarks demonstrate the process of cooptation by the State of UNE, seeking to demonstrate that their actions prove to be consistent with the policy taken by the Lula government. However, we point out the occurrence of a reorganization process of the students who challenged and broke with UNE. / Neste trabalho analisamos a relação da União Nacional dos Estudantes (UNE) com o Governo Lula e a atuação dos partidos políticos na entidade, no período que se estende de 2003 a 2010. Fundamentado em autores como Saldanha (2008), Martins Filho (1987), Bringel (2009), partimos da hipótese que os movimentos estudantis passam por mudanças, sendo equivocado atribuir à participação dos estudantes um caráter genérico e imutável. Após a vitória de Lula, no ano de 2002, a UNE deixou o campo de oposição, para uma relação de colaboração. Por meio das categorias independência e democracia, nosso objetivo foi compreender a relação da UNE com o governo na elaboração, proposição de emendas e apoio aos projetos governamentais. Utilizamos para a realização desta pesquisa documentos dos congressos da UNE, principalmente as teses defendidas pelas tendências de juventude dos partidos políticos no movimento; programas e manifestos dos partidos políticos que atuam na entidade; documentos da UNE que se referem a proposta de políticas à educação superior; fontes jornalísticas da imprensa; reportagens da revista Movimento; como também de documentos e panfletos dos movimentos estudantis. A análise dos depoimentos e dos documentos demonstraram a posição da UNE, representando perspectivas teóricas e políticas que nem sempre aparecem explicitamente, mas quando mediadas por um quadro conceitual, podem contribuir na compreensão das posições assumidas pela entidade. Assim, foi possível compreender, a partir dos discursos e documentos, a função política da UNE na aplicação dos projetos governamentais. Mesmo diante deste quadro a entidade permaneceu sendo disputada pelas tendências estudantis, organizadas por partidos políticos. Desta forma, realizamos a análise da disputa entre os partidos no interior dos congressos da UNE pelos rumos da entidade. Nas considerações finais demonstramos o processo de cooptação da UNE pelo Estado, procurando evidenciar que seus atos mostram-se condizentes com a política assumida pelo Governo Lula. Todavia, apontamos a ocorrência de um processo de reorganização dos estudantes, que questionaram e romperam com a UNE.

This dissertation explores student environmentalism in Beijing, China. It traces students' political norms and values, explains their activism and experience of pollution, and investigates the role of environmental non-governmental organisation (ENGOs) in forming youth environmentalism. To serve these objectives, the work takes forward theories on youth activism and agency and recent debates on environmental health, environmentalism and ENGOs. This study was designed as a qualitative research project based primarily on interviews and complemented by ethnographic methods, content analysis, pictorial evidence and survey results provided by the Jane Goodall Institute China. Research findings and methodology are presented in four papers and a framing document. My work challenges labels of agency and activism as either protest and resistance or 'quiescence' and questions the influence of globalisation on activists' norms and values. I put forward 'fragmented activism' as a new concept to capture the nature of youth environmental activism in Beijing. I contribute to environmental health literature by tracing how young people develop discursive mechanisms to mitigate the fear of air pollution and argue that their response offers invaluable insights into the interplay between space and the body in polluted environments. This thesis further shows that the repertoire of student environmental associations in Beijing represents a type of 'place based environmentalism' (Smith, 2001) but argues that, whilst this may be a contradictory response to contemporary environmental issues, it is not usefully assessed against abstract and normative notions of what environmentalism should be. I also challenge scholarly assessments of ENGO action. By exploring ENGO strategies in China that rely on extant societal and governmental narratives about good citizenship and moral values - instead of radical alternatives to mainstream development models or political processes - I argue for new research paradigms guiding the study of environmental movements.

Text in Afrikaans / Summaries in both Afrikaans and English / Religiositeit is 'n antropiese ontisiteit en kinders word in 'n bepaalde geloof opgevoed. 'n Christelik-Protestantse perspektief van godsdiensopvoeding word aangebied. Die betrokke opvoedingsmoveerders en hul verhouding tot mekaar word bespreek. Ter aanduiding van wat jeugdige-wees wesenlik kinder-antropologiese kategoriee beskryf, is, word bepaalde gevolg deur 'n sinkroniese en 'n diakroniese perspektief van godsdienswording. Die hedendaagse jeugdige se leefwereld en gepaardgaande struikelblokke word bespreek. Die taak, die doel, asook relevante religieuse kriteria en essensies van opvoeding word bespreek. Die Afrikaanse Christen-Studentevereniging is een van die opvoedingsmoveerders betrokke by die godsdienswording van sommige jeugdiges. Die oorspronklike struktuur en benaderingswyse van die vereniging, asook die veranderde struktuur en benaderingswyse en die redes daarvoor, word beskryf. Die missie, toekomsvisie en modus operandi van die vereniging word deur hierdie veranderinge geraak. Omdat persone van verskillende denominasies by die vereniging mag aansluit, word 'n oorsig van dogma binne die Christelike geloof gegee, gevolg deur 'n bespreking van ideologies-religieusestrominge wat van belang mag wees. Die vereniging se confessio van 1988, 1992 en 1994 word vergelyk met die oog op die moontlike veranderinge rakende godsdiensopvoeding. 'n Evaluering is onderneem vanuit sowel die struktuurdenke as die sisteemdenke. Hierdie evaluering geskied op drie vlakke. Op die ontologiese vlak word gekyk of die vereniging rekening hou met sekere neaniagogies-antropologiese kategoriee. Op die terrein van die pedagogiese word die realisering van bepaalde opvoedingsessensies, van die verhoudings- en verloopstruktuur en van Protestants-Christelike geestelike volwassenheid as doel ge-evalueer. Die vereniging se bewustheid van sekere bepalende aspekte rakende godsdiensopvoeding, asook die bantering van sommige van die leefwereldprobleme word geevalueer. Die aktualiteit van die werksaamhede word vergelyk met 'n Amerikaanse jeugbedieningsmodel. Op teologiese gebied word moontlike ooreenkomste tussen verskillende Christelike belydenisse aangedui. 'n Christelike evaluering van die werksaamhede van die vereniging word onderneem. Godsdiensopvoeding gaan moontlik in die "nuwe" Suid-Afrika veranderinge ondergaan en daarom word 'n prospektiewe blik op die moontlike rol van die vereniging in die veranderde situasie gebied. / Religiosity is an anthropological onticity and children are educated in a specific religion. A Christian-Protestant viewpoint of religious education is presented. The educational motivators involved, as well as their inter-relatedness, are discussed. To indicate what it means to be a youth, certain childanthropological categories are described, followed by a synchronical and diachronical perspective of religious growth. The influence on the life-world of today's youth and related problems are discussed. The task, aim and relevant religious criteria and essences of education are discussed. The Afrikaanse Christen-studentevereniging is one of the educational motivators involved with certain youths. The orginal structure and attitude of the organisation, as well as the changes in its structure and attitude and the reasons for these changes are described. The organisation's mission and vision, as well as its methods, are affected by these changes. Because people from different denominations can become members of the organisation a cursory description of dogma within the context of the Christian religion is given, followed by a discussion on ideological religious mainstreams that may be of importance. The organisation's confessions of 1988, 1992 and 1994 are compared in view of the probable changes concerning religious education. An evaluation is done from both a structural thinking and systems thinking point of view. This evaluation is conducted on three levels: On an ontological level it is evaluated with regard to what extent the organisation is taking neaniagogical categories into account. on a pedagogical level the realisation of the pedagogical relationship and sequence structures and its essences as well as Christian-Protestant religious maturity as aim are evaluated. The organisation's awareness of certain determining aspects concerning religious education, as well as the handling of some of the lifeworld problems are evaluated. The actuality of the organisation's activities are compared to an American youth program model. On a theological level possible similarities between different Christian confessions are indicated. A Christian evaluation of the organisation's activities is also rendered. Since religious education may undergo certain changes in the new South Africa a prospective view is presented of the possible role the organisation may fulfil. / Education Studies / D.Ed.

Made available in DSpace on 2016-12-23T13:44:58Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Dissertacao Maira.pdf: 819053 bytes, checksum: c2e513d86901a0977a185bd98249bb12 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2011-12-08 / Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior / Capitalism crisis and its consequences have caused profound changes in the workplace. The neoliberal period in Brazil, marked by rising structural unemployment and sub recruitments generated impacts on social policies, especially in education policy and workers´ organization. The category analyzed was understood as a legitimate example of the flexibilization process of work imposed by the structural crisis of capital. The object of this research is pluralistic and had an interdisciplinary approach running through the fields of education, labor and student movements. Broadly, the research set out to study the paths of youth, regarding work, study, political participation and representation within the public university. More specifically, the research has deepened in the case of UFES´ scholars, who received support from the student movement and led the strike demonstrations in 2010. The objective of this study was to investigate and understand how the working conditions of UFES´ scholars are. The method used was case study and the survey instrument chosen was semi-structured interviews. The research subjects were university scholar students. Student directors, a union leader and a technical administrative server were also interviewed. The analysis of the testimonies collected was made by content analysis. It was observed that scholar students, due to a difficult financial situation and lack of experience become vulnerable to the precarious work processes because they are willing to undergo any kind of work that allows the preservation of their student status. These young people experience situations that involve bullying and sexual harassment, physical and emotional stress, work overload (responsibilities reassignment, accumulation of tasks), lack of recognition, low pay, lack of support, instability, psychological control and exposure to unhealthy agents. They feel aggrieved by the lack of support in case of accident or illness and the absence of the right to have a vacation. Moreover, these subjects do not recognize themselves as the product of their work. Besides these aspects, concerning the political participation of students, it was understood that we currently experience a change in the university profile and a reflow of the critical perspective of the agents that compose it. The role of the student movement focuses on the attempt to direct the university to the criticism of the structural foundations of society and on social change. At the end of the survey, this paper is expected to constitute a trigger for further research to emerge with a critical approach, grounded in practice, since it is believed that politics is built in a day to day basis, through a dialectic combination of theory and practice / A crise do capitalismo, bem como seus desdobramentos, tem provocado profundas mudanças no mundo do trabalho. O período neoliberal no Brasil, marcado pelo aumento do desemprego estrutural e das subcontratações, gerou impactos sobre as políticas sociais, sobretudo, na política educacional e na organização dos trabalhadores. Compreendeu-se a categoria analisada como um exemplo legítimo do processo de flexibilização do trabalho, imposta pela crise estrutural do capital. O objeto desta pesquisa é plural e compreendeu uma abordagem que perpassa de forma interdisciplinar, os campos da Educação, Trabalho e Movimento Estudantil. De forma ampla, a pesquisa se propôs a estudar os caminhos percorridos pela juventude, no que se refere a trabalho, estudo, participação e representação política, no âmbito da universidade pública. Mais especificamente, a pesquisa aprofundou no caso dos bolsistas da UFES, que com o apoio do movimento estudantil, protagonizaram as manifestações grevistas do ano de 2010. O objetivo deste estudo foi verificar e compreender como se dão as condições de trabalho dos estudantes-bolsistas na UFES. O método utilizado foi o estudo de caso e o instrumento de pesquisa escolhido foi o de entrevistas semi-estruturadas. Os sujeitos de pesquisa foram os estudantes-bolsistas da universidade. Foram entrevistados também dirigentes estudantis, um dirigente sindical e um servidor técnico administrativo. A análise dos depoimentos coletados foi realizada por meio da Análise de Conteúdo. Observou-se que os estudantes-bolsistas, devido à dificuldade financeira e à falta de experiência, se tornam vulneráveis aos processos de precarização do trabalho porque estão dispostos a se submeter a qualquer tipo de trabalho que lhes permita a preservação da sua condição de estudante. Estes jovens vivenciam situações que envolvem assédio moral e sexual, desgaste físico e emocional, sobrecarga de trabalho (transferências de responsabilidades, acúmulo de tarefas), falta de reconhecimento, baixa remuneração, falta de amparo, instabilidade, controle psicológico e exposição a agentes insalubres. Sentem-se prejudicados pela falta de amparo em caso acidente ou doença e pela ausência do direito a férias. Além disso, estes sujeitos não se reconhecem como produto de seu trabalho. Além desses aspectos, acerca da participação política dos estudantes, compreendeu-se que se vive hoje uma mudança no perfil da universidade e um refluxo da perspectiva crítica dos agentes que a compõem. O papel do movimento estudantil se concentra na tentativa de direcionar a universidade para a crítica aos fundamentos estruturais da sociedade e para a transformação social. Ao fim da pesquisa, é esperado que este trabalho se constitua um disparador para que surjam outras pesquisas com um enfoque crítico, fundamentadas na práxis, uma vez que se acredita que política se constrói cotidianamente, por meio da combinação dialética entre teoria e prática

Submitted in partial fulfilment of requirements for an MA in Journalism and Media Studies in the Faculty of Humanities at the University of Witwatersrand, August 2017 / The purpose of this research is to demonstrate how alternative youth media, particularly onlinebased news sources, in covering the #FeesMustFall (#FMF) campaign 2015 students protest from October 14, 2015 to October 23, 2015, challenged news framing, while shifting traditional mainstream media’s agenda-setting role. In post-apartheid South Africa in 2015, which was dubbed “the year of the student”, the history of student politics was significant in what culminated in the hashtag #FeesMustFall campaign, challenging the representation of student protesters in the media. The unprecedented local and international alternative youth media and mainstream media coverage of the 2015 student protests—in print, online and on social media platforms—signaled the impact of the biggest student protests since 1994. The results from this qualitative research sampling online-based news platforms and interviews with journalists for their opinions on the blanket media coverage of the protests, shows a significant paradigm shift in how newsrooms re-examined what would be a silent consensus of framing and agenda-setting as was dictated by alternative youth media. / XL2018

Orientador: Omar Ribeiro Thomaz / Dissertação (mestrado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Filosofia e Ciencias Humanas / Made available in DSpace on 2018-08-06T11:57:03Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Cherem_YoussefAlvarenga_M.pdf: 1667068 bytes, checksum: 23d691189fa6ca5fdeeef14108da6208 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2006 / Resumo: Durante os dois mandatos Mohammad Khatami como presidente da República Islâmica do Irã (1997-2001; 2001-2005), observou-se um debate intenso e violento na sociedade iraniana a respeito da concepção do espaço político e dos fundamentos da ação política. Uma parte essencial desse debate foi a participação dos estudantes numa incipiente (embora efêmera e limitada) abertura do espaço público. Mas essa política de reforma teve o resultado inesperado de trazer à tona as vozes de contestação da organização normativa autoritária do campo político, expondo as contradições constitutivas do sistema e seu funcionamento ambíguo, e ameaçando por um momento a dominação da elite política religiosa-revolucionária. Essa ameaça ocorreu porque os estudantes agiam segundo uma lógica republicana de igualdade jurídico-política e exigiam a instauração desse padrão, prometido por Khatami durante a campanha eleitoral. Em outras palavras, podemos perceber uma vontade de reformulação simbólico-institucional da divisão público-privado que regia as relações entre o estado e a sociedade do Irã desde o estabelecimento da República Islâmica. A participação de elementos anteriormente excluídos do espaço público e o fortalecimento da sociedade civil fizeram com que fossem contestados a estrutura de poder e o funcionamento enclausurado (privado) do sistema político iraniano, bem como regras não escritas da vida política iraniana. Assim, embora os estudantes tenham sido reprimidos, esse período de abertura relativa nos abre uma perspectiva frutífera para interpretar a pluralidade de concepções de governo, religião e sociedade presentes num país muçulmano, opondo-se a algumas visões do meio acadêmico que se destacam por uma leitura superficial e/ou unidimensional de fenômenos onde se entremeiam cultura e política / Abstract: Islam, legitimacy and political culture: the Iranian student movement in the Khatami government During his two terms as the president of the Islamic Republic of Iran (1997-2001; 2001- 2005), we have come to witness an intense and violent debate in Iranian society about the conception of the public space and the fundaments of political action. An essential element in this debate was the participation of the students in a fledgling (but ephemeral and limited) opening of the public space. But this policy of reform had the unexpected result of bringing into the open the dissenting voices against the normative, authoritarian framing of the public space, exposing the inherent contradictions of the system and its hazy functioning, and jeopardizing, even if for just one moment, the ascendancy of the religious revolutionary elites. The students¿ coming out in public was a threat because the students acted according to a republican logic of juridical and political equality and demanded the implementation, as promised by Khatami in his campaign of this pattern, and the abolition of the ¿unwritten rules¿ of Iranian political life. In other words, we can notice a will of symbolic and institutional reformulation of the separation between public and private spheres that ruled the relations between state and society in Iran since the establishment of the Islamic Republic. The participation of people who had been previously excluded from public space and the strengthening of civil society increased opposition to the power structure and the closed, private working of the political system. Thus, although the students have been repressed, this period of relative opening opens a promising path to interpret the plurality of conception of government, religion and society in a Muslim country ¿ an interpretation that engages critically some scholarly views of the interweaving of culture and politics that are remarkable for their shallow and/or one-dimensional reading of intrinsically multi-layered phenomena / Mestrado / Mestre em Antropologia Social

Submitted by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-10-03T14:57:55Z No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Alessandra de Abreu Minadakis Barbosa - 2015.pdf: 12477141 bytes, checksum: 874d8d95db6ff500a9fa4fd7dd26dd5e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Approved for entry into archive by Jaqueline Silva (jtas29@gmail.com) on 2016-10-03T14:59:45Z (GMT) No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Alessandra de Abreu Minadakis Barbosa - 2015.pdf: 12477141 bytes, checksum: 874d8d95db6ff500a9fa4fd7dd26dd5e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) / Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-03T14:59:45Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 2 Dissertação - Alessandra de Abreu Minadakis Barbosa - 2015.pdf: 12477141 bytes, checksum: 874d8d95db6ff500a9fa4fd7dd26dd5e (MD5) license_rdf: 0 bytes, checksum: d41d8cd98f00b204e9800998ecf8427e (MD5) Previous issue date: 2015-08-15 / The Brazil lived for twenty-one, a civil-military dictatorship guided by the National Security Doctrine and the concerns and interests of an organic elite. Three years before the 1964 coup, the governor of Goias, Mauro Borges, was one of the protagonists of the legal campaign, which secured the possession of vice Goulart after the resignation of Janio Quadros. In November 1964, after a relentless pursuit, the federal government ordered the intervention in Goias. Goias academic community was especially persecuted, of the strong influence of left-wing ideologies in the intelligentsia, of the active participation of the student movements in politics. Soon after the deposition Goulart, was initiated the "cleaning operation" provided for in the Institutional Act of the Revolution Supreme Command of 9 April 1964, allowing the first purges, which is operationalized through Military Criminal Investigations and commissions of inquiry or inquest preceded by summary investigation. The AI-2 allowed a new wave of purges, and as time passed, the regime was hardening and increasing repression. The year 1968 was particularly explosive, marked by intense protests by students, and violent police response. On December 13 was issued AI-5, allowing the military almost absolute powers, weakening legislative and judiciary and violating the rights and freedoms of individuals. Since the beginning of the dictatorship had the intention of setting up a global apparatus of control of society. Given this demand, they were created the National System of Information and Internal Security System in the country. SISN1 had at its peak the SN1, which despite having been created in the first months of the scheme, only at the end of the decade was structured to information activities and, indirectly, of repression. In this network was also the information systems within the Civil Ministries and Security Advisory Services and Information in the main organs of government. Completed the network specific systems of the Navy, Army and Air Force. With regard to universities, ASI provided a strong control over students, teachers and servers, causing consequences of physical nature, moral, psychological and academic. The security system had the inspiration to OBAN and materialized in CODI /DOI system, national enforcement structure controlled by the military. Torture was used as state terrorism instrument, with punitive purposes and obtaining information. Brazilian civil-military dictatorship played a biopower on the whole society, and especially on the individuals considered "enemies." The complex information system provided a panoptic gaze on society in order to control and discipline. The same can be said of the arrests, disciplinary institution by nature. Torture, widely used, and is part of a strategy of obtaining information, revealed the state of "bare life" of the victim, which in biopolitics logic, represented life should be left to die for the sake of the lives to be protected. Seeks, in the rescue of this memory, the contribution to the justice that is due to the victim and society. Lest forget. So that never happens again. / O Brasil viveu, durante vinte e um anos, uma ditadura civil-militar orientada pela Doutrina de Segurança Nacional e pelos anseios e interesses de uma elite orgânica. Três anos antes do golpe de 1964, o governador de Goiás, Mauro Borges, foi um dos protagonistas da campanha da legalidade, que garantiu a posse do vice João Goulart após a renúncia de Jânio Quadros. Em novembro de 1964, após uma perseguição implacável, o governo federal decretou a intervenção em Goiás. A comunidade acadêmica goiana foi especialmente perseguida, parte pela forte influência das ideologias de esquerda na intelectualidade, parte pela participação ativa dos movimentos estudantis na política. Logo após a deposição de Goulart, deu-se início a "operação limpeza", prevista no Ato Institucional do Comando Supremo da Revolução, de 9 de abril de 1964, permitindo os primeiros expurgos, que se operacionalizaram por meio de Inquéritos Penais Militares e de comissões de inquérito ou de sindicância precedidas de investigações sumárias. O AI-2 permitiu uma nova onda de expurgos, e à medida em que o tempo passava, o regime ia endurecendo e a repressão aumentando. O ano de 1968 foi especialmente explosivo, marcado por intensos protestos por parte dos estudantes, e resposta policial violenta. No dia 13 de dezembro foi editado o AI-5, propiciando aos militares poderes quase absolutos, enfraquecendo Legislativo e Judiciário e violando os direitos e liberdades dos indivíduos. Desde o início da ditadura já havia a intenção de constituição de um aparato global de controle da sociedade. Atendendo a esta demanda, foram criados o Sistema Nacional de Informações e o Sistema de Segurança Interna no País. O SISNI tinha em seu ápice o SNI, que apesar de ter sido criado nos primeiros meses do regime, apenas no final da década foi estruturado para as atividades de informações e, indiretamente, de repressão. Nessa rede havia, ainda, os sistemas de informações dentro dos Ministérios Civis e Assessorias de Segurança e Informações nos órgãos principais da Administração Pública. Completavam a rede os sistemas específicos da Marinha, do Exército e da Aeronáutica. Com relação às universidades, as ASI propiciaram um controle intenso sobre alunos, professores e servidores, causando consequências de cunho físico, moral, psicológico e acadêmico. O sistema de segurança teve por inspiração a OBAN e materializou-se no sistema CODI/DOI, estrutura nacional de repressão controlada pelas Forças Armadas. A tortura foi utilizada como instrumento de terrorismo do Estado, com finalidades punitivas e de obtenção de informações. A ditadura civil-militar brasileira exerceu um biopoder sobre toda a sociedade, e em especial sobre os indivíduos considerados "inimigos". O complexo sistema de informações propiciou um olhar panóptico sobre a sociedade com o objetivo de controle e disciplina. O mesmo se pode dizer das prisões, instituição disciplinar por natureza. A tortura, amplamente utilizada, além de ser parte de uma estratégia de obtenção de informações, revelava o estado de "vida nua" da vítima, que na lógica biopolítica, representava a vida que se deve deixar morrer em prol das vidas a serem protegidas. Busca-se, no resgate dessa Memória, a contribuição com a justiça que se deve à vítima e à sociedade. Para que não se esqueça. Para que nunca mais aconteça.

<p>The purpose of this critical ethnographic dissertation research was to explore the multiple and diverse ways in which university student activists in Honduras constructed oppositional political cultures within the institutional constraints and possibilities of the university and the broader neoliberal and authoritarian postcoup context. In this research, I considered studying up and down and anything in between a necessary task to understand the complexity of student activism in relation to the university’s complicity with the coloniality of power and knowledge (Nader, 1972; Quijano, 2000, 2007). Critical ethnography, decolonial, space and place, and collective action theory provided the philosophical, methodological, conceptual, practical, political, and ethical commitments to understand how the University Student Movement’s political culture resisted neoliberal higher education reform. This research, in addition, offers an ethnographic analysis and interpretation of the student movement’s political culture and the role it played in democratizing the university. First, I used a historical perspective to contextualize reemerging student movements in Honduras. After tracing Latin American student movement’s origin to the Cordoba Student Movement of Argentina, I examined the ways in which the student movement of Honduras adopted, reclaimed, and extended the democratic principles implemented in the former. University autonomy, ideological pluralism, democratic governance, academic freedom, and curriculum reform were salient points of analyses. Second, I examined the student movement’s horizontal organization, identified the democratic social practices and political culture that emerged after the coup of 2009, and interpreted student activists’ knowledges born in struggle through a decolonial lens concomitant with a sensitivity to space and place and collective action. Particularly, the direct participation of students in all decision-making processes within the student movement was interpreted as an act of resistance to reclaim democratic spaces within a sociopolitical context increasingly becoming dictatorial. Third, I analyzed the student movement’s impact in democratizing the university’s governance structure and resisting neoliberal higher education reform. Fourth, I shared the knowledge produced collectively by student activists. The way students conceived of the university and its curriculum and governing practices unsettled the authorial individualism still present in educational research. The knowledges born in struggle, I argued, have sociopolitical, cultural, and decolonial implications. In addition to the analytical and interpretive work which included the research, knowledges, and practices student activists shared with me during the 12 months of fieldwork and participant observation in Honduras, I highlighted how the emergence of a heterogeneously articulated student movement slowed down, at the very least, the neocolonial and neoliberal reconfiguration of the university. This dissertation thus addressed the political relationship between the global and the local. The re-localization of politics here must not to be confused with reactionary politics. It means instead to recognize how the particular is enmeshed in a more complex web of power, domination, resistance, and reexistence. To resist locally means that collective actors engage global powers, even if indirectly and unintentionally. Student activists, who were able to put a stop to the series of neoliberal reforms implemented since the coup of 2009, reminded those in power (local, national, and global) that neoliberal higher education reform within a re-politicized autonomous university with an organized student movement will be faced with resistance. This ethnographic account will hopefully reveal the ways in which student activist built a politically culture characterized by alternative forms of organizing to resist what is too often conceived fatalistically as the inevitable neoliberalization of education. These fatalistic perspectives will hopefully be unsettled throughout the dissertation. The significance of this study is that it is oriented toward an ethnographic understanding of higher education reform and student resistance in Latin America, a region with a student population which continues to be engaged in collective action. The educational significance of this work revolves around the need to rethink and rebuild universities in radically democratic terms. This rethinking involves the need to not only democratize access to higher education but rather to democratize governance, curriculum, knowledge, research, and ways of knowing and being. Transforming the university into a democratic place in which students are directly and meaningfully involved in governance and curriculum reform opens a path toward decolonial futurities where knowledge is no longer dictated from above but rather deconstructed and reconstructed from below. This dissertation research, lastly, as it works at the intersections of curriculum studies, decolonial theories, methodologies, pedagogies, and emerging university student resistance in Latin America, offers, I hope, a valuable way to do curriculum inquiry in higher education institutions within international contexts. </p>

In 1968 the Los Angeles community witnessed the up rise of thousands of Chicano students when they walked out of their high school on an early morning in March. The purpose of this study was to further understand the 1968 student walkouts as presented by student participants. The study was carried out as a phenomenological study and used a Critical Race Theory (CRT) framework to interpret the students' interpretation of the Walkouts.

The aim of the National Union of South African Students (NUSAS) was to represent the interests of all South African students nationally and internationally. The challenge then to the liberal NUSAS leadership was how to meet the demands of black students for a politically relevant policy while simultaneously retaining the loyalty of its white middle class and often conservative membership. In 1957, the black University College of Fort Hare returned to NUSAS to participate in the national union’s campaign against the imposition of apartheid on the universities. Consequently, NUSAS adopted the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights as the foundation of its policy. Sharpeville and the increasing number of black students associated with NUSAS contributed to the further politicisation and leftward movement of the national union. The emergence of two new exclusively African student organisations together with the decision of a student seminar in Dar es Salaam that NUSAS be barred from all international student forums as its demographics precluded it from representing the aspirations of the black majority was the pretext for a far-reaching interrogation of NUSAS’s structure and functioning. Henceforward NUSAS would play a ‘radical role’ in society. This played into the hands of the government and its proxies, the new conservative students associations which sought to slice away NUSAS’s moderate to conservative white membership. The arrest of current and former NUSAS officers implicated in sabotage provided more grist to the right wing mill. In an attempt to manage this most serious crisis, as well as to continue functioning in the increasingly authoritarian and almost wholly segregated milieu of the mid-1960s, NUSAS abandoned its ‘radical role’ and increasingly focussed on university and educational matters. Nonetheless, the state intensified its campaign to weaken NUSAS. By means of legislation, the utilisation of conservative student structures and the intimidation of university authorities, the government attempted to ensure that segregation was applied at all NUSAS-affiliated universities. It was the application of segregation by cowed university authorities that precipitated the New Left-inspired student protests at NUSAS-affiliated campuses in the late 1960s as well as the establishment of the separate black South African Students Organisation, the latter leading to the exodus of all black students from NUSAS. / History / D. Litt. et Phil. (History)