Si l'étude du regard de l'islam sur les autres religions fait l'objet d'un intérêt croissant, peu d'attention a été accordée au rapport des maîtres soufis tant au christianisme et au judaïsme qu'aux chrétiens et aux juifs. La première partie de cette étude présente une analyse de ce sujet tel qu'il a été perçu par les intellectuels occidentaux qui se sont convertis à l'islam ou qui ont consacré au soufisme des années de recherche. Dans sa deuxième partie, elle analyse les positions des maîtres soufis selon cinq aspects : leur rapport aux Écritures et doctrines des chrétiens et des juifs, leur regard sur leurs rites et coutumes, la conception de leur Salut, leur relation aux chrétiens et aux juifs en tant que personnes, et enfin leur conception du jihâd guerrier contre les pays chrétiens, ainsi que le lien que font ces maîtres entre le jihâd majeur, celui de la lutte contre l'égo, et le jihâd mineur, belliqueux. L'étude dégage la tolérance digne de la plus haute admiration de certains maîtres soufis, mais dévoile aussi des positions rigoristes, irrespectueuses des doctrines et coutumes chrétiennes et juives, et exigeant l'application stricte des règles de la dhimma. Si les maîtres soufis ont mis l'accent sur le jihâd majeur, ils ont souvent témoigné d'un soutien inconditionnel au jihâd guerrier, le percevant comme une forme extrême de sainteté, garantissant le Bonheur dans ce monde ci et dans celui à venir. La modération des dirigeants musulmans contraste fréquemment avec leur extrémisme. / While research is devoted to the attitude of Sunni Islam toward other religions, little attention has been paid to the attitude of Sufi masters to Christianity and Judaism as well as to Christians and Jews. The first part of this study provides an analysis of this topic as perceived by western intellectuals who had converted to Islam or who had dedicated years of research to Sufism. In its second part, the attitude of Sufi masters is analyzed according to five perspectives: their position regarding the Christian and Jewish Scriptures and doctrines, their view of their rituals and customs, the understanding of their Salvation, their attitude toward Christian and Jews as human beings, and finally their position regarding jihâd warfare against Christian countries, and the link these masters made between the greater jihâd, the jihâd against one's desires, and the lesser jihâd, the warlike jihâd.This study shows tolerance worthy of the greatest admiration, but also reveals rigorous and disrespectful attitudes toward Christian and Jewish doctrines and customs, calling for the application of the dhimma harshest rules. While the Sufi masters have stressed the importance of the greater jihâd, they frequently gave unconditional support to the lesser jihâd, seeing it as a paroxysmal form of holiness, guaranteeing Happiness in this world and in the next one. The tolerance of Muslim leaders frequently contrasts with some Sufi masters' extremism.

Cette étude vise à définir les caractéristiques de la pensée légale de plusieurs auteurs importants de la fin de l’époque mamelouke et du début de l’époque ottomane en Egypte et en Syrie. Tirant profit de leur positionnement original et distancié par rapport à leurs pairs, en même temps que leur insertion plus ou moins harmonieuse dans le milieu savant, elle met en lumière leur singularité, la manière dont ils adaptent celle-ci à la tradition légale ou, au contraire, leurs oppositions aux développements spécifiques parmi les savants et gens du commun de leur temps. Un examen global des sources historiques et biographiques rappelant les traits majeurs du contexte politico-juridique constitue le point de départ d’une enquête qui se poursuit sur la base d’une analyse comparative des textes d’auteurs parmi lesquels se distinguent Zakariyyā al-Anṣārī, Ǧalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, Ibn Maymūn al-Fāsī et ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Šaʿrānī. Les thèmes principaux sélectionnés à travers leurs œuvres offrent un éclairage sur certaines tendances juridiques de l’époque et mettent en exergue l’existence de questionnements plus intemporels à propos de la ‘‘Loi musulmane’’. C’est ainsi que ce travail posera les questions plus générales de la définition de la šarīʿa, de sa dimension intérieure et du rapport de ces savants avec la Loi révélée. / This study aims to analyze the characteristics of the legal thought of several significant authors at the end of the Mameluke era and the beginning of the Ottoman period in Egypt and Syria. The study considers the author’s original and critical position toward their peers, simultaneously with their almost harmonious integration in the scholars’ realm. It spotlights their singularity, and the way they adapt it to the legal tradition or, on the contrary, their oppositions to the specific developments among the scholars and the laypeople. A comprehensive examination of the historical and biographical sources, which retraces the major features of the political-juridical context, forms the departure point of this survey. The main part of this research is based on a comparative analysis of the texts of authors, among whom Zakariyyā al-Anṣārī, Ǧalāl al-Dīn al-Suyūṭī, Ibn Maymūn al-Fāsī and ʿAbd al-Wahhāb al-Šaʿrānī distinguish themselves the most. The main topics selected through their works shed some light on different juridical tendencies in that epoch, and throw into relief the existence of interrogations concerning ‘‘Islamic law’’ that are more timeless. Consequently, this study explores questions about the definition of šarīʿa, its inner dimension and the relation of those scholars to the revealed Law.

La période pré moderne en Inde voit se développer la bhakti comme nouvelle religiosité distincte et dominer de façon quasi-totale la scène religieuse en Inde. Bien que nous n’avons pas atteint une masse critique des études qui établissent une incidence de la mystique musulmane sur la poésie dévotionnelle de Kabīr, ce papier de recherche aura pour objectif de démontrer l’existence d’un lien entre la bhakti et le soufisme indo-persan implanté depuis le sultanat de Delhi jusqu’à la fin de la période moghole en se concentrant sur une question : Dans quelle mesure les pratiques ascétiques du poète Kabīr se sont développées sous l'influence de l’idéologie et la mystique soufie? Il examine comment une figure de bhakti comme Kabīr a embrassé la conception soufie de la spiritualité dans un rapport d’emprunt et d’association intime sans modifier la généalogie hindoue de cette sensibilité dévotionnelle. Les mouvements bhakti et soufi du sous-continent n'ont pas seulement montré la quête d'un individu ou d'un groupe d'individus pour atteindre la connaissance, la grâce, ou l'unicité avec l'Être suprême, ils ont insufflé à la masse des dévots hindous et musulmans une voie unique afin de rejoindre la Réalité ultime en transcendant le phénomène des identités religieuses peu ou pas définies à cette époque d’hybridité religieuse et qui furent amplement forgées par l’idée du salut par la voie mystique indépendamment du concept de la religion tel que comprise par l’érudition moderne. / The pre-modern period in India sees the development of bhakti as a new and distinct religiosity and almost completely dominates the religious scene in India. Although we have not reached a critical mass of studies that establish an impact of Muslim mysticism on Kabīr's devotional poetry, this research paper will aim to demonstrate the existence of a link between bhakti and Indo-Persian Sufism implanted from the Delhi Sultanate to the end of the Mughal period by focusing on one question: To what extent did the ascetic practices of the poet Kabīr develop under the influence of Sufi ideology and mysticism? It examines how a bhakti figure like Kabīr embraced the Sufi conception of spirituality in a relationship of borrowing and intimate association without altering the Hindu genealogy of this devotional sensibility. The bhakti and Sufi movements of the subcontinent did not merely demonstrate the quest of an individual or group of individuals to attain knowledge, grace, or oneness with the Supreme Being, they instilled in the mass of Hindu and Muslim devotees a unique path to reach the Ultimate Reality by transcending the phenomenon of religious identities that were little or not defined in that era of religious hybridity and that were amply forged by the idea of salvation through the mystical path independently of the concept of religion as understood by modern scholarship.

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Estimates suggest that seventy percent of Muslims follow folk Islam (popular Islam), rather than the orthodox Islamic faith. Most methods for reaching Muslims with the Gospel have concentrated on one of two broad approaches with a third blending the first two methods. Apologetic, polemic and dialogue techniques argue that Christianity is more valid or reasonable than Islam. Other approaches consist of contextualized methods seeking some common ground between Christianity and Islam. Apologetic arguments have not been very effective with folk Muslims because cognitive propositions fail to answer the “why” questions posed by popular Islam. Most contextualized methods also miss the mark with folk Muslims; they rarely attend Islamic worship, observe the five pillars of Islam, or read the Qur’an. A few missiologists propose a fourth category for reaching Muslims – contextualizing according to their worldview. This thesis explores what are the best approaches for evangelizing folk Muslims who are particularly influenced by African Traditional Religion (ATR). The Beja tribe of the Sudan and the Sukuma tribe of Tanzania serve as case studies. I argue for a contextualized approach to folk Muslims, addressing their unique worldviews. ATRinfluenced folk Muslims lean toward a fear-power worldview, while the Sufis among them hold to an existential- transcendent worldview. Each group, therefore, necessitates a different evangelism approach. The first chapter presents preliminary matters, the research question, a literature review, and a rationale for the thesis. The second chapter analyzes the case study example of Beja folk Islam. Chapter three examines folk Islam and its relationship to orthodox Islam,including further illustrations from the Beja tribe. The fourth chapter explores the subject of ATR and its relationship to folk Islam. The Sukuma tribe of Tanzania serves as a base-line model of ATR for a comparison with Beja folk Islam. Chapter five introduces the topic of contextualization in Muslim evangelization and assesses the effectiveness and validity of methods that have been used. Chapter six suggests worldview approaches for reaching ATR and Sufi-influenced folk Muslims. The final chapter summarizes the thesis content, reviews the response to the research question, and analyzes the implications of the findings of the case study. / Christian Spirituality, Church History & Missiology / D.Th. (Missiology)

Estimates suggest that seventy percent of Muslims follow folk Islam (popular Islam), rather than the orthodox Islamic faith. Most methods for reaching Muslims with the Gospel have concentrated on one of two broad approaches with a third blending the first two methods. Apologetic, polemic and dialogue techniques argue that Christianity is more valid or reasonable than Islam. Other approaches consist of contextualized methods seeking some common ground between Christianity and Islam. Apologetic arguments have not been very effective with folk Muslims because cognitive propositions fail to answer the “why” questions posed by popular Islam. Most contextualized methods also miss the mark with folk Muslims; they rarely attend Islamic worship, observe the five pillars of Islam, or read the Qur’an. A few missiologists propose a fourth category for reaching Muslims – contextualizing according to their worldview. This thesis explores what are the best approaches for evangelizing folk Muslims who are particularly influenced by African Traditional Religion (ATR). The Beja tribe of the Sudan and the Sukuma tribe of Tanzania serve as case studies. I argue for a contextualized approach to folk Muslims, addressing their unique worldviews. ATRinfluenced folk Muslims lean toward a fear-power worldview, while the Sufis among them hold to an existential- transcendent worldview. Each group, therefore, necessitates a different evangelism approach. The first chapter presents preliminary matters, the research question, a literature review, and a rationale for the thesis. The second chapter analyzes the case study example of Beja folk Islam. Chapter three examines folk Islam and its relationship to orthodox Islam,including further illustrations from the Beja tribe. The fourth chapter explores the subject of ATR and its relationship to folk Islam. The Sukuma tribe of Tanzania serves as a base-line model of ATR for a comparison with Beja folk Islam. Chapter five introduces the topic of contextualization in Muslim evangelization and assesses the effectiveness and validity of methods that have been used. Chapter six suggests worldview approaches for reaching ATR and Sufi-influenced folk Muslims. The final chapter summarizes the thesis content, reviews the response to the research question, and analyzes the implications of the findings of the case study. / Christian Spirituality, Church History and Missiology / D.Th. (Missiology)

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The primary focus of this dissertation is to establish the extent to which ta§awwuf, commonly referred to as Islamic Spirituality, impacted on Cape Muslim culture. The study spans the time period between the arrival of the first significant political exiles at the Cape in 1667 to the founding of the Muslim Judicial Council in 1945. To this end a short historical review of ta§awwuf as it unfolded since its inception in the Muslim world is given in order to provide the necessary background against which any study of ta§awwuf at the Cape must be measured. This, in the authorÕs opinion, has not been attempted before in local studies in any systematic way. To further augment this study, a review of the nature and character of ta§awwuf as it emerged in the geographical areas from whence the political exiles and slaves were brought to the Cape is also engaged. As part of the conclusion to this dissertation an ÒafterwordÓ is provided that briefly sketches the post-1945 theological milieu that increasingly witnessed the emergence of new anti-ta§awwuf pressures within the Muslim community. / Religious Studies and Arabic / MA (Arabic)

蒙古西征後建立了欽察、察合台、窩闊台及伊兒等汗國，在這些汗國的境內包含了伊斯蘭的兩河流域、中亞地區、波斯地區、小亞細亞、欽察草原等地，周遭受伊斯蘭文明的包圍；蒙古四大汗國中欽察、伊兒汗國相繼皈依伊斯蘭教，察合台汗國是蒙古支裔中最晚皈依伊斯蘭教者（窩闊台汗國後來併入察合台汗國），伊斯蘭教在察合台汗國的盛行與察合台汗的大力提倡，汗國內貴族勢力的依附，及中亞蘇菲教團的蓬勃發展有很密切的關係。 本論文探討察合台汗國因地理環境變遷，蒙古傳統封建游牧制度逐漸趨向綠洲農牧城市商業社會，使生活文化產生截然不同的改觀，草原游牧民族常因本身力量的消長﹐而向城郭農業地區尋求支援﹐在其向農業城廓生活靠攏或轉化時﹐使原本的生活型態﹑經濟模式﹑政治制度及宗教文化﹐進行必要的改變和調適﹐藉以配合生存環境的特殊性。 察合台汗國的汗權消長﹐成為觀測大汗權力虛實的指標﹐所以初期察合台汗位的變動﹐是在驗證大汗權力落實的範圍﹐一旦汗位繼承人選脫離了中央大汗的操控後﹐汗國成為內部勢力爭逐的競技場；察合台汗國在這塊結合草原﹑綠洲與河谷的版圖上﹐不斷交互上演草原游牧與農業綠洲生活型態的拉鋸及地方貴族勢力把持汗權的戲碼，然而在農業經濟生活﹑人口與文化的優勢吸引下﹐草原游牧生活的型態很難與其抗衡﹐最後不得不向農業生活型態投靠﹐融入當地盛行的主流文化－伊斯蘭文化。 當傳統伊斯蘭教逐漸感染驕奢腐敗氣息時﹐反省與抵抗歪風的虔誠信徒們以清貧儉約﹐苦行修煉的禁慾主義（蘇菲主義）尋得出路﹐禁慾主義演變成神祕主義，主張功修以「入神」，藉此與阿拉合而為一，使得蘇菲主義揉合泛神論思想，穆罕默德的神奇事蹟給予蘇菲主義者鼓舞與啟發，進而產生聖徒崇拜，中亞開闊的空間與寬容的氛圍，成為蘇菲主義傳播的新樂土。 起初蘇菲教徒以單獨與小群體的方式漫游四方，生活所需靠他人施捨或自己勞動所得解決，逐漸地蘇菲教徒周圍聚集了門徒，形成修道院的形式，透過精神導師的道統傳承，原本平行的成員關係演化成尊卑師徒的位階型態。有組織的蘇菲教團由伊拉克及敘利亞向四周發展，中亞的蘇菲主義方興未艾，而納合西班底教團因緣際會進入察合台汗國，從此改寫了汗國內政治與宗教的互動生態。 當察合台汗國內地方貴族勢力強大到威脅汗權行使時，宗教勢力成為制衡威脅的力量，這種「藉力使力」的策略成為察合台汗打擊舊勢力的慣用模式，宗教力量的勃興，有賴寺院經濟的累積及信仰中心的強化，而察合台汗積極推動伊斯蘭的政策，有如風行草偃，締造政治與宗教互利共生的結構。 伊斯蘭教在察合台汗內發展，所蘊含最深遠的意義不外是和卓家族的形成與伊斯蘭教的本土化與地方化。回疆在黑山派與白山派支持者交互攻詰下，政局動盪，導致汗族後裔流落異鄉，世俗政權轉由宗教神權取代，準噶爾成為新的統治階層﹐改以間接統治控制南疆，但對和卓家族勢力的死灰復燃，不敢掉以輕心，透過緊縮政策，直接任命當地軍事貴族掌控，最後索性將其帶離根據地，架空權力來源，並以「眾建其位少其力」的方式，各城分立和卓管轄，如此殫精竭慮，只為防範和卓家族的東山再起，即使在清代，每當回疆民眾發動爭端，每每打著和卓後裔的旗幟為之，強調師出有名的號召力，足見和卓家族對回疆人民深遠的影響。 察合台文的形成與使用，不僅是維吾爾文書寫形式演變過程中的一環，更是察合台汗國伊斯蘭化的力證；而阿渾是回疆穆斯林一生的見證人﹐宗教職務上的專業與威望﹐可以跨足政治領域的監察職務﹐更可以取代傳統伊斯蘭中「伊瑪目」在清真寺引領信徒禮拜的角色﹐這是伊斯蘭地方化的特徵之一。阿渾的功能如果代表正規清真寺體系的運作﹐海蘭達爾的功能則是彌補信徒對阿渾功能不足的期待﹐海蘭達爾兼具蘇菲教徒﹑托缽僧與巫的特質﹐能施行求雨治病﹑消災祈福的儀式與奇蹟﹐這種對神蹟的嚮往與期盼﹐加速了伊斯蘭教地方化與本土化的深度﹐而且穆斯林對阿渾與海蘭達爾的接納無疑也表現在對清真寺與麻扎朝拜的調合上﹐因為清真寺只利城市穆斯林的參拜，麻扎才是靈魂修煉之所，而海蘭達爾的多重身份﹐使他可以游移於一神獨在與萬物崇拜的模糊地帶﹐呼應蘇菲主義中入神與泛神論的思想﹐所以蘇菲教徒本身的地方化與本土化是促使察合台汗國伊斯蘭化的關鍵之一。 【關鍵詞】 察合台汗國（Chaghatai Khanate） 伊斯蘭化（Islamization） 蘇菲主義（Sufism） 德爾威什（Darvish） 蘇菲教團（Sufi Dariq） 和卓家族（Khwadja Family）