蒙古西征後建立了欽察、察合台、窩闊台及伊兒等汗國，在這些汗國的境內包含了伊斯蘭的兩河流域、中亞地區、波斯地區、小亞細亞、欽察草原等地，周遭受伊斯蘭文明的包圍；蒙古四大汗國中欽察、伊兒汗國相繼皈依伊斯蘭教，察合台汗國是蒙古支裔中最晚皈依伊斯蘭教者（窩闊台汗國後來併入察合台汗國），伊斯蘭教在察合台汗國的盛行與察合台汗的大力提倡，汗國內貴族勢力的依附，及中亞蘇菲教團的蓬勃發展有很密切的關係。 本論文探討察合台汗國因地理環境變遷，蒙古傳統封建游牧制度逐漸趨向綠洲農牧城市商業社會，使生活文化產生截然不同的改觀，草原游牧民族常因本身力量的消長﹐而向城郭農業地區尋求支援﹐在其向農業城廓生活靠攏或轉化時﹐使原本的生活型態﹑經濟模式﹑政治制度及宗教文化﹐進行必要的改變和調適﹐藉以配合生存環境的特殊性。 察合台汗國的汗權消長﹐成為觀測大汗權力虛實的指標﹐所以初期察合台汗位的變動﹐是在驗證大汗權力落實的範圍﹐一旦汗位繼承人選脫離了中央大汗的操控後﹐汗國成為內部勢力爭逐的競技場；察合台汗國在這塊結合草原﹑綠洲與河谷的版圖上﹐不斷交互上演草原游牧與農業綠洲生活型態的拉鋸及地方貴族勢力把持汗權的戲碼，然而在農業經濟生活﹑人口與文化的優勢吸引下﹐草原游牧生活的型態很難與其抗衡﹐最後不得不向農業生活型態投靠﹐融入當地盛行的主流文化－伊斯蘭文化。 當傳統伊斯蘭教逐漸感染驕奢腐敗氣息時﹐反省與抵抗歪風的虔誠信徒們以清貧儉約﹐苦行修煉的禁慾主義（蘇菲主義）尋得出路﹐禁慾主義演變成神祕主義，主張功修以「入神」，藉此與阿拉合而為一，使得蘇菲主義揉合泛神論思想，穆罕默德的神奇事蹟給予蘇菲主義者鼓舞與啟發，進而產生聖徒崇拜，中亞開闊的空間與寬容的氛圍，成為蘇菲主義傳播的新樂土。 起初蘇菲教徒以單獨與小群體的方式漫游四方，生活所需靠他人施捨或自己勞動所得解決，逐漸地蘇菲教徒周圍聚集了門徒，形成修道院的形式，透過精神導師的道統傳承，原本平行的成員關係演化成尊卑師徒的位階型態。有組織的蘇菲教團由伊拉克及敘利亞向四周發展，中亞的蘇菲主義方興未艾，而納合西班底教團因緣際會進入察合台汗國，從此改寫了汗國內政治與宗教的互動生態。 當察合台汗國內地方貴族勢力強大到威脅汗權行使時，宗教勢力成為制衡威脅的力量，這種「藉力使力」的策略成為察合台汗打擊舊勢力的慣用模式，宗教力量的勃興，有賴寺院經濟的累積及信仰中心的強化，而察合台汗積極推動伊斯蘭的政策，有如風行草偃，締造政治與宗教互利共生的結構。 伊斯蘭教在察合台汗內發展，所蘊含最深遠的意義不外是和卓家族的形成與伊斯蘭教的本土化與地方化。回疆在黑山派與白山派支持者交互攻詰下，政局動盪，導致汗族後裔流落異鄉，世俗政權轉由宗教神權取代，準噶爾成為新的統治階層﹐改以間接統治控制南疆，但對和卓家族勢力的死灰復燃，不敢掉以輕心，透過緊縮政策，直接任命當地軍事貴族掌控，最後索性將其帶離根據地，架空權力來源，並以「眾建其位少其力」的方式，各城分立和卓管轄，如此殫精竭慮，只為防範和卓家族的東山再起，即使在清代，每當回疆民眾發動爭端，每每打著和卓後裔的旗幟為之，強調師出有名的號召力，足見和卓家族對回疆人民深遠的影響。 察合台文的形成與使用，不僅是維吾爾文書寫形式演變過程中的一環，更是察合台汗國伊斯蘭化的力證；而阿渾是回疆穆斯林一生的見證人﹐宗教職務上的專業與威望﹐可以跨足政治領域的監察職務﹐更可以取代傳統伊斯蘭中「伊瑪目」在清真寺引領信徒禮拜的角色﹐這是伊斯蘭地方化的特徵之一。阿渾的功能如果代表正規清真寺體系的運作﹐海蘭達爾的功能則是彌補信徒對阿渾功能不足的期待﹐海蘭達爾兼具蘇菲教徒﹑托缽僧與巫的特質﹐能施行求雨治病﹑消災祈福的儀式與奇蹟﹐這種對神蹟的嚮往與期盼﹐加速了伊斯蘭教地方化與本土化的深度﹐而且穆斯林對阿渾與海蘭達爾的接納無疑也表現在對清真寺與麻扎朝拜的調合上﹐因為清真寺只利城市穆斯林的參拜，麻扎才是靈魂修煉之所，而海蘭達爾的多重身份﹐使他可以游移於一神獨在與萬物崇拜的模糊地帶﹐呼應蘇菲主義中入神與泛神論的思想﹐所以蘇菲教徒本身的地方化與本土化是促使察合台汗國伊斯蘭化的關鍵之一。 【關鍵詞】 察合台汗國（Chaghatai Khanate） 伊斯蘭化（Islamization） 蘇菲主義（Sufism） 德爾威什（Darvish） 蘇菲教團（Sufi Dariq） 和卓家族（Khwadja Family）

Ce mémoire présente une exploration décoloniale et transdisciplinaire des doctrines et pratiques de la confrérie soufie transnationale Burhaniya, dans le monde arabe et en Occident. Il traite principalement de la période s’étendant de la fondation de la confrérie en 1938 jusqu’en 2012. Pour bien contextualiser les particularités de l’émergence de cette confrérie moderne, ce mémoire présente tout d’abord son ancrage historique par l’étude de ses racines en lien avec l’histoire du soufisme en Afrique du Nord et en Asie de l’Ouest. Puis, ce mémoire offre une analyse comparative de certains des principaux contextes nationaux où s’est disséminée cette confrérie, à partir du Soudan, vers l’Égypte, la France, l’Allemagne, les États-Unis et le Canada. Suite à ses recherches, l’auteur conclut que les cheikhs de la Burhaniya ont facilité l’expansion de la confrérie en occident et ont perpétué un héritage soufi plutôt traditionnel au sein du monde moderne. Ils ont su le faire en préservant les doctrines fondamentales de leur tradition tout en adaptant leurs pratiques à divers contextes. / This thesis presents a decolonial and transdisciplinary examination of the doctrines and practices of the transnational Burhaniya Sufi order, in the Arab World and in the West. The main time period under consideration is from the foundation of the order in 1938 until 2012. In order to contextualize the particularities of this modern order’s emergence, this thesis begins by presenting its historical roots related to the history of Sufism in North Africa and West Asia. Then, the thesis offers a comparative analysis of certain national contexts in which the order was disseminated, from Sudan to Egypt, France, Germany, the United States, and Canada. The author concludes from his findings that the sheikhs of the Burhaniya have facilitated the expansion of their order in the West, and perpetuated a fairly traditional Sufi heritage in the modern world. They have done so by combining strong commitment to core doctrines and adaptability to contexts of practice.

The khanka or monastic mosque, was first established in Cairo by Saladin, founder of the Ayyubid dynasty, in 1171. Prior to this time, residents of the khanka, better known as Sufis - the ascetics of Islam were a group of mobile mystics who travelled widely seeking knowledge and truth of divinity and creation. It was during the Mamluk period (1250-1517) however, that the khanka gained popularity. It was normally constructed as part of a larger complex which housed other pious functions. It became commonplace among Mamluk sultans to attach their mausoleums to these khanka complexes, thus giving the khanka ultimate social and religious significance.Due to this significance, khankas, were among the first building types to face destruction upon the downfall of Mamluk rule. Unfortunatley, the deterioration of the khanka, institution has continued to this present day. In fact the khanka, institution and its architecture are slowly disappearing.In an effort to help preserve the vanishing architecture of the khanka institution, the khanka, of Sultan Al-Ashraf Barsbay, one of great architectural significance, was selected for the topic of this thesis. A reconstruction and restoration proposal is presented following complete historical, social and arcitectural research and documentaion. This proposal is based on a research methodology established for application to this and other historical buildings which may be approached for documentation and analysis.The reconstruction of the missing portions of the complex is important for the preservation of an almost extinct building type. The Khanka of Al-Ashraf Barsbay presents an interesting challenge in several repects: understanding the elements of Mamluk architecture as a distinct building style, identifying elements of islamic architecture, and finally applying this knowledge of architecture to the process of reconstruction within the framework of national and international preservation standards. / Department of Architecture

Ce mémoire présente une exploration décoloniale et transdisciplinaire des doctrines et pratiques de la confrérie soufie transnationale Burhaniya, dans le monde arabe et en Occident. Il traite principalement de la période s’étendant de la fondation de la confrérie en 1938 jusqu’en 2012. Pour bien contextualiser les particularités de l’émergence de cette confrérie moderne, ce mémoire présente tout d’abord son ancrage historique par l’étude de ses racines en lien avec l’histoire du soufisme en Afrique du Nord et en Asie de l’Ouest. Puis, ce mémoire offre une analyse comparative de certains des principaux contextes nationaux où s’est disséminée cette confrérie, à partir du Soudan, vers l’Égypte, la France, l’Allemagne, les États-Unis et le Canada. Suite à ses recherches, l’auteur conclut que les cheikhs de la Burhaniya ont facilité l’expansion de la confrérie en occident et ont perpétué un héritage soufi plutôt traditionnel au sein du monde moderne. Ils ont su le faire en préservant les doctrines fondamentales de leur tradition tout en adaptant leurs pratiques à divers contextes. / This thesis presents a decolonial and transdisciplinary examination of the doctrines and practices of the transnational Burhaniya Sufi order, in the Arab World and in the West. The main time period under consideration is from the foundation of the order in 1938 until 2012. In order to contextualize the particularities of this modern order’s emergence, this thesis begins by presenting its historical roots related to the history of Sufism in North Africa and West Asia. Then, the thesis offers a comparative analysis of certain national contexts in which the order was disseminated, from Sudan to Egypt, France, Germany, the United States, and Canada. The author concludes from his findings that the sheikhs of the Burhaniya have facilitated the expansion of their order in the West, and perpetuated a fairly traditional Sufi heritage in the modern world. They have done so by combining strong commitment to core doctrines and adaptability to contexts of practice.

Dans cette étude que je présente, j'ai pris pour appui l'objet céramique de Fès en tant que référence contextuelle depuis l'époque contemporaine de 2012 jusqu'au XVIIe siècle. L'analyse croisée des sources textuelles et des productions, tant sur le terrain que dans les collections muséales ou privées, nous permet de faire toute la lumière sur les productions céramiques de Fès sur plus de trois siècles. La première partie est consacrée aux aspects politiques et sociaux de la réorganisation des corporations artisanales qui ont conditionné les productions sur plus d'un siècle et demi. La deuxième partie porte sur la sémiologie du décor dans la céramique de 1835 à 1675 (période alaouite). Sont d'abord étudiées les formes issues des fonctions alimentaires et des codes sociaux, puis les éléments du décor qui concourent avec la part des nombres, à l'agencement des dessins transcrits selon des codes cachés. Les conclusions de la thèse reposent sur la caractéristique de codes spirituels présents dans les productions anciennes et qui ont disparu au contact des codes de l'économie et de l'industrie européennes. / In this research, I have focused on the ceramic object from Fes as a contextual reference in the contemporary era from 2012 back to the XVII th century. The analysis crossed together with texts and production sources, both on site and with museums or private collections, enlightens us about Fes's ceramic productions over the last three centuries. The first part is dedicated to politic and social factors of the changes in the organization of the art crafts corporations that influenced the productions for over a century and a half. The second part carries on semiology of the decor on ceramic from 1835 back to 1675 (Alawite period). First the research covers the shapes inspired from alimental functions and social codes, then on the elements corresponding to numbers, and transcripts drawn according to some hidden codes. The thesis concludes on the specificities of spiritual codes in ancient productions that have gradually disappeared upon the arrival of the European industrial and economic codes.

A obra de Ibn Arab (1165 d.C. /560 H.) é bastante extensa, compreendendo cerca de 400 títulos, dos quais Kitb fu½½ al-¬ikam (O livro dos engastes das sabedorias) destaca-se como um dos principais escritos no qual o autor apresenta sua concepção metafísica, de forma mais sistematizada, como sua teoria dos nomes divinos através dos quais a essência do real procede, manifestando todos os existentes, assim como trata, de maneira aprofundada, do significado dos profetas e das sabedorias por eles transmitidas, propondo uma conotação totalmente metafísica para o profético. A profecia assume, nessa obra, uma importância fundamental, ela é apresentada como a condição de possibilidade da existência determinada, assim como também a condição de possibilidade do conhecimento da essência do real, ou seja, a condição de possibilidade de conhecer a realidade primeira. É interessante notar ainda a riqueza e a complexidade discursiva, na qual vida e obra encontram-se implicadas nesse processo de existenciação, de modo que tanto o autor quanto sua obra recebem estatutos muito significativos e particulares referentes ao sistema metafísico apresentado. Servindo-se da filosofia, da teologia e da mística arabo-islâmicas, oferecendo, com isso, um pensamento, embora complexo, de alcance universal que reconhece todos os profetas do ciclo histórico e as diversas tradições reveladas, a hermenêutica de Ibn Arab evidencia-se em muito original, promovendo um diálogo criativo e conciliador entre diversas culturas, permanecendo, até os dias de hoje, profundamente rico, inovador e inspirador para as mais diversas culturas e domínios do pensamento. / The work of Ibn \'Arab (1165 AD / H. 560) is quite extensive, comprising about 400 titles, of which Kitb fu½½ al-¬ikam (The Book of the bezels of wisdom) stands out as one of the major writings in which the author presents his metaphysical conception in a more systematic way as his theory of divine names, by which the essence of real conceives, showing all as he deeply addresses, the meaning of the prophets and the wisdom transmitted by them, proposing an entirely metaphysical connotation for the prophetic. On this work, the prophecy itself assumes a fundamental importance. It is presented as the condition of possibility of determined existence, as well as the condition of possibility of knowledge of the essence of real, i.e.: the condition of possibility of knowing the first reality. It is quite interesting to notice the richness and discursive complexity, in which life and the paper are implied in this existence process, so that both the author and his work receive very significant and specific status relating to the metaphysical system presented. Making use of philosophy, theology and the Arab-Islamic mysticism, offering thereby a thought, though complex, universal reach that recognizes all the prophets of the historical cycle and several revealed traditions, the hermeneutic of Ibn \'Arab evidences itself as being very original, promoting a creative and conciliatory dialogue among several cultures and remaining until this day, deeply rich, innovative and inspiring for several cultures and thought domains.

This thesis examines Walt Whitman's use of the body in his poetry as a location for spiritual experience, and how his use of the body bears strong connection to its use by medieval Persian Sufi poets. The first chapter focuses upon Sufi poetry's role as a shared point of interest between Whitman and his onetime mentor Ralph Waldo Emerson. Their differing philosophies regarding the cultivation of the soul caused them to absorb Sufi ideas into their own bodies of work in separate ways, and contributed to the split that eventually occurred between them. The second chapter focuses upon connections between Whitman's poetry and that of Jalaluddin Rumi, one of the greatest Sufi poets yet an oftoverlooked figure in Whitman scholarship. The final chapter examines multiple ways in which Whitman expresses the divine nature of the body in several poems from Leaves of Grass, and how those expressions reflect Sufi influences. / by Ryan Fabrizio. / Thesis (M.A.)--Florida Atlantic University, 2012. / Includes bibliography. / Electronic reproduction. Boca Raton, Fla., 2012. Mode of access: World Wide Web.

Calâleddin Mohammad Balxi, ou Roumi, est un poète mystique persan du XIIIe siècle, parmi les plus connus en Occident et surtout l’un des plus traduits de la littérature persane, notamment en anglais. Ce fait est dû aussi bien à l’immensité de son œuvre poétique consistant en un ouvrage mystico-didactique, Masnavi e ma’navi et un recueil mystico-lyrique de qazals et de quatrains, intitulé Divân e Şams e Tabrizi, qu’à un significatif engouement relativement récent en Amérique anglophone pour ses poèmes, de caractère spirituel. Les textes de Roumi apparaissent, de manière sporadique, en allemand, anglais et français, dès le début du XIXe siècle jusqu’à ce que Masnavi soit intégralement traduit en anglais au début du XXe siècle. Des vagues de réception ont désormais vu le jour dans le monde anglophone grâce aux nombreuses retraductions et adaptations. La réception du poète a été plus mince dans le monde francophone, où la grande partie des traductions ne datent que de la seconde moitié du XXe siècle sans susciter le même enthousiasme. Si les traductions ne font pas défaut dans ces deux langues, les spécifiés de la poésie persane ainsi que de la pensée mystique rendent particulièrement difficile l’opération du transfert du discours poétique de Roumi en anglais et en français. On étudie ici, d’abord, les obstacles principaux auxquels doivent faire face les traducteurs sur les plans linguistique, sémiotique, stylistique, poétique, et herméneutique. Cet exposé cherche, ensuite, à montrer les modalités du transfert de l’œuvre chez les traducteurs anglophones et francophones de diverses époques en évaluant les traductions dans le cadre de la théorie éthique (bermanienne) de la traduction. S’inspirant des théories sociolinguistiques de la traduction et s’appuyant sur un corpus bilingue diversifié, cette thèse tente enfin d’expliquer les différences de degré et de nature de la réception par les deux sphères culturelles cibles. / Calâleddin Mohammad Balxi or Rumi, a Persian mystical poet of the 13th century, is amongst the best known in the West and one of the most translated authors of Persian literature, especially in English. This is due to the abundance of his poetic works which consist of mystical and didactic Masnavi e ma’navi and a collection of lyrical qazals and quatrains, Divân e Şams e Tabrizi. He is also known and translated because of the relatively recent strong appeal of his poems, with their spiritual undertone, to the North American audience. Rumi’s poems appeared sporadically in German, English and French since the beginning of the 19th century until the full English translation of Masnavi in the early 20th century. Ever since, the English-speaking world has had waves of reception thanks to numerous retranslations and adaptations. In the French-speaking world, however, the reception of Rumi has been far less important: the majority of the translations were introduced in the second half of the 20th century and failed to find an equally enthusiastic audience. Despite numerous translations in both languages, transferring the poetic discourse of Rumi to French and English is a particularly complicated task, considering the specificities of Persian poetry and the mystical quality of his thought. In this study, we will first look into the principal obstacles that translators must surmount and we will work from linguistic, semiotic, stylistic, poetic, and hermeneutic perspectives. We will subsequently show how this transferring process has been carried out by French and English-speaking translators of various periods by applying the principles of Berman’s theory of translation ethics to their works. Working from a diverse bilingual corpus and using the sociolinguistic theories of translation, the present thesis intends to explain the differences in the level and nature of this reception in the two target cultural spheres.

Cette thèse analyse la manière dont Ibn ‘Atâ’ Allâh al-Iskandarî aborde, dans son œuvre, la notion du péché, mettant en exergue son aspect positif, voire salvateur, à la lumière des apports d’auteurs soufis précédents qui ont marqué sa formation spirituelle. Après un état des lieux de la situation de l’Égypte au début du règne mamelouk, ce travail tente de dessiner le portrait d’Ibn ‘Atâ Allâh en s’interrogeant sur des dimensions moins connues de sa personnalité et en démontrant l’importance de son œuvre dans la transmission de l’enseignement reçu oralement de ses maîtres, fondateurs de la Shâdhiliyya. Quant à la notion du péché, elle y est d’abord analysée au travers d’une étude lexicographique, avant de retracer les différentes manières dont elle a été évoquée chez Muhâsibî, Makkî, Qushayrî, Ghazâlî et Ibn ‘Arabî. L’influence de ce dernier auteur sur Ibn ‘Atâ Allâh, souvent minimisée dans des travaux plus anciens, est démontrée à plus d’un égard, à la fois dans sa manière de décrire le péché d’Adam et dans l’approche globale tendant à transcender l’existence d’une dualité immuable entre le péché et l’obéissance. / This dissertation analyzes how Ibn 'Atâ' Allâh al-Iskandarî deals, in his writings, with the notion of sin, highlighting its positive, or salvatory, aspect, taking into account the contributions of previous Sufi writers who played a role in his spiritual education. After an overview of the situation in Egypt in the early Mamluk era, this work tries to draw the portrait of Ibn 'Ata Allah by treating some less known dimensions of his personality and demonstrating the importance of his works in transmitting the spiritual teaching he received orally from his masters, the founders of the Shâdhiliyya. Concerning the concept of sin, it is first analyzed through a lexicographical study, before retracing the ways in which it was addressed by Muhâsibî, Makkî Qushayrî, Ghazâlî and Ibn 'Arabî. The latter’s influence on Ibn 'Atâ’ Allâh, often minimized in earlier works, is demonstrated in more than one respect, both in the way he describes Adam’s sin and in his general approach tending to transcend the existence of an immutable duality between sin and obedience.

Includes bibliographical references (leaves 317-341) An ethnography of fakirs' mystical mastery based on fieldwork at the thirteenth century Muslim shrine of Nizamuddin Auliya.