Lugha ya Kiswahili imeenea na kukua kiasi cha kuweza kupambana na zingine katika ngazi za kimataifa kwenye mfumo wa sasa wa utandawazi. Hata hivyo, Kiswahili hakiwezi kupata fanaka inayotarajiwa huko nje iwapo hakithaminiwi na kudhaminiwa nyumbani (Afrika Mashariki). Bado lugha ya Kiswahili inakumbana na pingamizi nyingi mno; na miongoni mwa vikwazo hivyo ni mielekeo ya lugha inayobainika katika jamii. Makala hii inajikita zaidi katika mielekeo ya viongozi wa Afrika Mashariki, na wasomi wa Kiswahili kuhusu nafasi na umuhimu wa Kiswahili. Viongozi na wasomi wana ushawishi mkubwa sana kutokana na nafasi yao katika jamii. Wote wanaheshimika na kuenziwa; viongozi kutokana na mamlaka waliyopewa, na wasomi kwa sababu ya maarifa waliyonayo. Kutokana na ukweli huo, tabia na mienendo yao, pamoja na matamko yao mbalimbali yana athari kubwa sana katika jamii. Mara nyingi, watu wengi hupenda kuiga wayafanyayo; hali inayobainika pia katika matumizi ya lugha. Kabla ya kuijadili mielekeo na matumizi yao ya lugha, maswala mawili muhimu yanayochangia ujenzi wa hiyo mielekeo katika jamii yatazungumziwa: thamani ya lugha, na zoezi la kujifunza lugha ya pili.

Communicating the concepts and practices of development by way of translation across languages and cultures is always intertwined with linguistic and conceptual tensions which blur meaning, distort communicative intention and nurture conceptual ambiguity in target paradigms. In order to create linguistically viable and functional cross-cultural communication, translation has to rely on myriad strategies entailing mediating meaning, that is, rendering cross-cultural communications in ways that make intended meaning accessible and usable. Meanings of concepts and their practices are subtly nuanced and understood in different languages and cultures. Meaning nuances as such denote tensions between incongruent linguistic and cultural interests and in situations of such tensions, translation provides a forte for mediating both linguistic and cultural differences of the interacting languages. This paper seeks to argue that translations of specialized terminologies in any field of human activity do not always result in explicit meaning equivalences, but rather in meanings that are contextually situated and culturally nuanced. Translating in such situations requires that we identify and account for how people and language communities make meaning of concepts on the basis of their own circumstances, worldviews and in their local languages. Thus, lack of linguistic equivalencies and the presence of meaning indeterminacy in translation is not a reflection of translational failure but rather, a calling to attention of the differences in the perceptions and interpretations of concepts across languages, which in subtle ways represent modes of thinking and communicating (Hoppers 2002). Successful and functional translation of specialized terminologies must be underpinned by the realization that conceptual meanings are always situated in cultural, contextual and temporal terms. Their transmission through translation into ‘new’ contexts can never be straightforward but rather mediated.

Swahili ist keineswegs eine besonders „exotische“ Sprache, aber dennoch fällt es schwer, eine gu-te moderne Grammatik des Standard-Swahili (Kiswahili sanifu) zu finden. Insbesondere die Inter-pretation der vorkommenden Tempora, Aspekte oder Modi des Verbs sind in den erhältlichen Grammatiken diskrepant bis widersprüchlich. Der Artikel versucht, einen systematischen Ansatz für eine strukturelle Matrix des TAM-Systems im Swahili herauszuarbeiten. Dabei beziehe ich mich auf die von Shankara Bhat in The Prominence of Tense, Aspect and Mood (1999) vorge-schlagene typologische Methode. Bhat legt dar, dass nicht jede Sprache jede Dimension von TAM gleich gewichtet, sondern dass jeweils eine davon vorherrscht. Eine Analyse von TAM in einer be-stimmten Sprache muss sich daher an der prominenten Dimension orientieren. Im Artikel wird herausgearbeitet, dass das Tempus die strukturierende Dimension im Swahili darstellt und dass im Gegensatz dazu der Aspekt nicht systematisch grammatikalisiert ist. Dabei war es nötig, die im Swahili vorkommenden TAM-Formen funktional zu interpretieren und zu benennen, da diese in der aktuellen Literatur teilweise sehr unterschiedlich analysiert werden.

Book review of the biography "Mfinyanzi Aingia Kasri – Siti Binti Saad, Malkia wa Taarab", written by Nasra Mohammed Hilal (2007)

Vave is generally defined as a corpus of agricultural songs as they are sung and performed by Bajuni farmers - an ethnic subgroup of the Swahili - on the eve of burning the bush, a stage of slash and burn cultivation. Although the song’s main theme is agriculture and each cultivation step in particular is given attention, an analysis of the aesthetics of Vave from the viewpoint of oral literature unearths the secret and sacred dimension of Vave performance. Death, bereavement, resurrection, and spirituality are, besides agricultural cultivation, the basic aspects of the Vave. Indeed the Vave performance may be more correctly recognised as an ancient religious rite which has ancestral worship as a central issue. Although the worship of ancestors is irreconcilable with the Islamic belief system, Vave is still performed by the Muslim Bajuni farmers today. This essay attempts to outline in which way the ancestors are annually remembered, revived or actualised in the present by Bajuni farmers through the performance of an oral tradition.

This article will present a short story which appeared in the newspaper Mzalendo on the 15th January 1978, but it took twenty-six years before it was published in a book. Presumably it was written in the same period as both the play Kaputula la Marx and probably also as some of Kezilahabi’s poems from the second collection Karibu ndani (1988). It is a period of his most critical works. In Mayai – Waziri wa Maradhi the author blames, in a highly symbolic manner, the leading classes of his country who became rich at the expense of common citizens during ten years of Independence, symbolized by ten emaciated ghostly children.

Newspaper serials have a long history in Tanzania. Since the privatisation of media in the 1990s, the number of newspapers and tabloids has multiplied, and serials have become abundant. I would dare to say that they are the most popular form of fiction at the moment in terms of quantity of readers. They are especially prevalent in the tabloids, where there often are more than three stories being serialised at a time. Some authors publish serials only occasionally, while there are also established serial writers such as Sultan Tamba, Faki A. Faki and Hamees M. Suba.However, the most prominent writer specialising in newspaper serials is Eric James Shigongo, who probably is also the most prolific author of popular literature of the last decade in Tanzania altogether. In his case, novel writing has reached a new quality as a well organised, apparently successful, self-owned business.

After being for a long time in the shadow of its Tanzanian counterpart, Kenyan fiction has recently come into the foreground with writers such as Kyallo Wadi Wamitila, Rocha Chi-merah, Mwenda Mbatiah and Ken Walibora. The paper deals with his second novel Kufa kuzikana. Although Kufa Kuzikana is a powerful accusation of how ruthless ethnic feelings still inform many people from the intellectuals and top politicians to the uneducated villagers, the novel does contain a positive message as well in that it shows how true friendship can overcome ethnic and other differences and survive even in the most adverse circumstances.

Children's literature affects the child's socialisation process, including the shaping the gender roles. But despite this, up to now children have featured less in gender scholarship. Against this backround, this paper seeks to critically interrogate the physical, social, economic and political manifestations of masculinities in selected Kiswahili children\'s books from Kenya. By analysing these works, we hope to demonstrate that power and ideological aspects of masculinites are rooted at childhood. Since special attention will be paid to the ideological and power basis of the masculinities, the analysis of the selected works is done in the encompassing prism of Critical Discourse Analysis revealing hegemonic masculinities.

Swahili has been moulded in a long process by many factors over many centuries (Chiraghdin & Mnyampala 1977, Khalid 1977, Nurse & Spear 1985, Shariff 1973, Whiteley 1969). One of the latest chapters in its history is the standardisation and implementation as national and official language in Tanzania after independence.The National Swahili Council was given the task of further developing as well as guarding the standard form in textbooks for schools, in literature, in music texts, and in radio and television broadcasting. However, while Standard Swahili was taught in schools and writtenin books and newspapers, people in town quarters where Swahili was spoken developed and used a colloquial style of speech by enriching the standard form with “slang” expressions and lexemes.Recently, many people in Tanzania speak of “lugha za mitaani” (‘languages of the town quarters’, or ‘street languages’), using the plural to point to the fact that there exists a whole range of varieties of non-standard language, depending on local and social factors. The more recent development of lugha za mitaani reflects very much the social, economic, and political liberalisation in Tanzania, which started in the late 1980s. Little research has been done on the complex of these locally coloured colloquial Swahili variants, and we hope that our work will prepare the ground for further, more detailed studies. Since we acknowledge the existence of variants, we will use Lugha ya Mitaani (henceforth abbreviated LyM) to denote the phenomenon as such, whereas we will apply the term Lugha za Mitaani (henceforth abbreviated LzM) when we speak of the complex of variants.The primary characteristic of lugha za mitaani in general is that they deviate from Standard Kiswahili by their special lexicon which is in a constant process of rapid renovation. This is done by way of deliberate manipulation of existing lexical items, as an expression of an attitude of jocular and provocative violation of linguistic norms.Looking into the linguistic makeup, it is quite clear that Lugha ya Mitaani is not an independent language, but a sociolect or register of Kiswahili. The geographical centre of the ongoing creation and recreation of linguistic elements is Dar es Salaam. From there the linguistic items spread very quickly into the interior and reach even remote places such as Nachingwea (Lindi region) and Kurio (Dodoma region), where we conducted our research. The remarkably high mobility of the youth in Tanzania plays a crucial role in this process, but also the media, especially music, radio, video, and the yellow press contribute a lot to the rapid diffusion of Lugha ya Mitaani-terms. This article is based on research conducted in Tanzania between 2000 and 2006 and approaches the phenomenon of Lugha ya Mitaani from different angles. A substantial part of the field research was lexicographic in nature, complemented by ethnographic methods (see chapter two). The analysis focuses on form, function, mediation and general comparative sociolinguistic issues of Lugha ya Mitaani.